Londres quer criar legislação
para erradicar extremistas britânicos
Por Agência Lusa
publicado em 23
Ago 2014 in (jornal) i online
Sobre o caso do jornalista James Foley e do vídeo da sua execução onde
aparece um jihadista com sotaque britânico, apelidado de “John”, a ministra
sublinhou o carácter global da ameaça terrorista
O Governo do
Reino Unido tenciona criar uma legislação específica para combater e erradicar
os extremistas britânicos, após a divulgação do vídeo que mostra a execução do
jornalista norte-americano James Foley por um jihadista com sotaque britânico.
A informação,
hoje divulgada pelo jornal The Telegraph, é avançada pela ministra do Interior
britânica, Theresa May.
Entre as medidas
em análise está a revisão das ordens de proibição de grupos extremistas e dos
oradores radicais que incitam ao ódio e à violência, mas também a introdução de
novos poderes civis para localizar extremistas que procuram recrutar e
radicalizar outros.
Segundo Theresa
May, Londres pretende acionar todos os poderes legais necessários para vencer a
luta contra o terrorismo, que poderá demorar “décadas”.
“Vamos estar
envolvidos nesta luta durante muitos anos, provavelmente décadas. Devemos ter
todos os poderes legais necessários”, frisou a governante, acrescentando que
todos os elementos suspeitos que viajarem para a Síria e Iraque “serão
investigados pela polícia e pelos serviços de segurança”.
Ainda em
declarações ao jornal britânico, Theresa May especificou que uma das alterações
em estudo é a possibilidade de retirar a cidadania britânica aos elementos
suspeitos que saem do país para combater na Síria e no Iraque nas fileiras de
grupos extremistas.
“Aos que tenham
dupla nacionalidade, teremos o poder de lhes retirar a cidadania e exclui-los
do país”, referiu Theresa May.
“Qualquer
britânico que regresse da Síria e do Iraque irá enfrentar um processo judicial
[no Reino Unido] por participação em atividades terroristas no estrangeiro”,
reforçou.
Sobre o caso do
jornalista James Foley e do vídeo da sua execução onde aparece um jihadista com
sotaque britânico, apelidado de “John”, a ministra sublinhou o carácter global
da ameaça terrorista.
“Mais uma vez
ficou provado que enfrentamos a ameaça mortal do terrorismo tanto a nível
interno como no estrangeiro”, concluiu.
‘Jihadistas’ do
Estado Islâmico, um grupo sunita ultra-radical que controla partes do Iraque e
da Síria, divulgaram na quarta-feira um vídeo da execução de James Foley.
No vídeo,
intitulado “Mensagem para a América”, o Estado Islâmico ameaça matar um outro
refém norte-americano, Steven Sotloff, em represália pelos ataques aéreos dos
Estados Unidos a posições dos seus combatentes no norte do Iraque.
James Foley, de
40 anos, era um repórter experiente, que tinha feito a cobertura noticiosa do
conflito na Líbia antes de ir para a Síria, onde acompanhou a revolta contra o
regime de Bashar al-Assad para o portal norte-americano GlobalPost, agência
France Presse e outros órgãos de comunicação.
The appeal of the Middle East wars to some young British Muslim men can't
be reduced to an 'Islam and the west' debate
Mona
Siddiqui
The
Observer, Sunday 24 August 2014 / http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/aug/24/isis-ideology-islamic-militants-british-appeal-iraq-syria
Islamic
State or Isis have emerged as the most recent form of radical jihadism and we
in the west feel bewildered by their ferocity and brutality, especially towards
minorities. First, the Iraqi Christians, then the Yazidis – hundreds of them
being forced to either convert or be killed.
The recent
beheading of the American journalist James Foley is only one act of defiance
towards US airstrikes, with threats of more reprisals. With Al-Qaida, Boko
Haram and now Isis – never has it been easier
to instil fear, it seems, into the most powerful nations in the world.
In the UK , the fear that Isis
have attracted hundreds of British men to fight in the region has reignited the
question of integration and radicalisation among younger British Muslims. But
perhaps what is more chilling this time is the way many of these men, who have
gone over to fight, have unflinchingly assumed the role of thug and tyrant
given the first opportunity.
Their
narrative may well be wrapped up in the familiar language of jihad and
"fighting in the cause of Allah", but it amounts to little more than
destruction of anything and anyone who doesn't agree with them.
Then there
is the other problem: our own language and how we speak of these warring
factions. We call them Sunni extremists as if they are a unified body of people
made respectable through an affiliation with mainstream Islam; they are in fact
marauding and warring groups, even if some were formerly Iraqi soldiers and can
now commandeer heavy weaponry.
What, for
instance, does a caliphate mean today, if anything? It is spoken of as an ideal
Islamic polity, even though most young Muslims, especially in the west, have
little knowledge of the word's history and political complexity.
We don't
have the vocabulary to explain the political, religious and ideological mess
that has engulfed so much of the Islamic world. But our language tries to
categorise the rise of this group and its destructive mission as inextricably
tied to the sectarian conflicts in Syria
and Iraq
Here, we
are in danger of focusing only on Isis , when
it is quite likely that another group, perhaps a splinter group even more
ferocious, might spawn from this current spate of violence. Sunni, Shia? Take
your pick.
There is
something else about Isis that has emerged as
different from other extremist groups and that is their treatment of women and
girls. Male violence against women is nothing new and unfortunately knows
neither racial nor cultural boundaries. But the manner in which Isis are reported to be treating captured women and young
girls speaks of another era.
There are
allegations of women being sold into slavery or repeatedly and barbarically
raped and even if some claims are exaggerated, there are too many terrible
truths. Women, especially young Yazidi women, are being told to convert to
Islam so as to marry Isis fighters. The mantra
is that the caliphate needs new converts and children to spread; women can
provide both.
This lethal
mix of violence and sexual power, this deeply flawed view of manhood – is this
what young British Muslims are drawn to? When religious narrative can justify
this kind of oppression and moral blindness, everything suddenly seems simple
and the cause appears even more worthy. Instead of oppression, they see honour;
instead of killing, they see victory. Women who are victims of the Isis advance are losing their brothers, sons and fathers.
You lose much in war but you can still hold on to your dignity. When women lose
this, they might as well have lost everything.
It is
becoming increasingly difficult to explain why the wars of the Middle East appeal to some British youth. It can't be
reduced to an Islam/west debate as the Isis
advance wants to wipe out the Shia as well as other minorities; Muslims killing
other Muslims for the sake of "pure" Islam is sadly nothing new.
Many young
men see war as a drug, all powerful and mindblowing, with the thrill of donning
a uniform and carrying guns. But we are no nearer to understanding the appeal
of a nihilistic rhetoric among middle-class, educated young men other than it
may be a way of unleashing all kinds of psychological frustrations.
This is not
a failure of integration; there is a deeper malaise than that tapping into a
sense of emotional unfulfilment when you have everything. I asked my
18-year-old son last week why he thought that some Muslim men would be drawn
towards groups such as Isis . He said:
"You don't suddenly turn; you already have the desire in you, however deep
down, through your upbringing. A lot of it comes from home."
It sounds
simple but I can't help agreeing with this.
Mona
Siddiqui is a British Muslim academic and professor of Islamic and
Interreligious Studies at the University
of Edinburgh
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