Banco Espírito Santo: Family fortunes
By Miles Johnson and Peter WiseAuthor alerts / Financial
Times / http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/a63a4a56-32c0-11e4-93c6-00144feabdc0.html?siteedition=intl#axzz3D6cev0UI
Bank chief Ricardo Espírito
Santo Salgado faces allegations that his group engaged in a fraud
It took Ricardo Espírito Santo Salgado almost two decades to win back ownership of his family’s bank. But one morning in July, in less time than it took him to sip his morning coffee, Portugal’s most powerful banker saw his life’s work begin to slip out of his control.
Unable to pay mounting debts across his family’s sprawling
business empire, the ageing financier was forced by his lenders into a painful
fire sale of 5 per cent of the bank that bore his name. Less than a month
later, Banco Espírito Santo, Portugal’s largest listed bank by assets, had
collapsed. A dynasty built up over almost 150 years, weathering wars and
revolutions, had come crashing down around Mr Salgado’s head. The bank’s toxic
assets were split off into a “bad” bank as authorities tried to rescue the
institution.
Today, the 70-year-old patriarch of the Espírito Santo family
is banned from leaving Portugal as he awaits the outcome of investigations into
alleged fraud. The case has shaken faith in Portugal’s regulators, who face
tough questions over their failure to prevent what has become one of Europe’s
largest financial failures, leaving investors with an estimated €10bn of
losses.
The collapse of Portugal’s best known bank has shaken
confidence in the country’s economic recovery less than six months after
exiting its painful three-year economic rescue programme.
“The fall of the Espírito Santos is effectively the story of
Portugal itself,” says one official. “They had too much debt, but they
continued to consume.”
Financial documents and interviews with Portuguese officials
and company executives reveal a trail of secret offshore financing vehicles
stretching from Panama to Luxembourg which comprised a desperate attempt to
prop up the ailing Espírito Santo empire before its collapse.
Carlos Costa, governor of the Bank of Portugal, last month
accused the ES group of having “developed a fraudulent funding scheme” between
its non-financial companies. He added that international experience has shown
that frauds can be “difficult to detect before they collapse, in particular
when activities are carried out in various jurisdictions”.
Mr Salgado, who has said he is innocent of wrongdoing, has
pledged to restore his family’s honour, quoting Pope Francis: “Don’t cry for
your suffering, fight for your happiness.” Other members of the family could
not be reached for comment.
The man known in Portugal as “the owner of everything” had
lost it all before. Ricardo Salgado was 31 when he attended the first meeting
in exile of the Espírito Santo family in 1975 at a small office in London.
Portugal’s radical leftwing government had nationalised the
family’s bank, seizing their passports and freezing their assets. Five members
of the Espírito Santo clan had been imprisoned for months, later fleeing in
disguise across the border to Spain. The London meeting was the first gathering
of what was to become a secretive family “upper council” dedicated to restoring
the dynasty.
Life as an exile was a shock for Mr Salgado, who had grown
up in the beachside resort of Estoril and counted the exiled royals King
Umberto II of Italy and Juan Carlos of Spain as family friends.
The Espírito Santo clan had not always kept such privileged
company. The family traces its fortune back to a Lisbon lottery ticket stand
set up in 1869 by 19-year-old José Maria Espírito Santo e Silva. Legend has it
that he was the descendant of a child abandoned at a church by a destitute
mother, the surname Espírito Santo meaning “Holy Ghost” in Portuguese.
Under the leadership of Mr Salgado, the exiled family began
to rebuild its fortune in Brazil and Switzerland before, in 1991, the
Portuguese government invited the family to return, allowing it to buy back a
stake in the privatisation of BES. Mr Salgado was made executive chairman.
Senior Portuguese business figures say the roots of the
family’s eventual financial calamity lie in this period. By using only a small
amount of the family’s capital in the transaction, Mr Salgado achieved his
ambition of regaining control of the bank by taking on large levels of debt.
“They put in practically zero capital from the start, it was
always leverage,” says one Lisbon banker.
Over the next two decades, as BES doubled its market share,
the family began to take on more debt to build up interests in real estate,
hotels and agriculture, using their stake in the bank as collateral.
Members of the family were placed in positions of power
across BES and the Espírito Santo holding companies, with one former insider
noting that up until this year there were about 250 family members working at
the lender.
In 2009 the family finalised a convoluted corporate
structure for its interests whereby its 25 per cent stake in the bank was held
in a Luxembourg-listed company called ESFG, which in turn was 49 per cent owned
by the family’s ultimate holding entity Espírito Santo International (ESI).
Intertwined into this was Rioforte, the privately held family industrial group
that controlled its interests in agriculture, hotels and property.
By 2011 the crisis that had forced Portugal into an
international bailout was weighing down on the family. The value of its stake
in BES had fallen sharply after it was forced to cut its dividend and raise new
capital. With Portuguese companies now locked out of the capital markets,
bankers say it had become increasingly difficult for the family to service its
debt.
“They kept growing the asset base – they bought other stuff,
they invested a lot and they never got the returns,” says a senior Portuguese business
figure. “This was 20 years of leverage compounded, from 1993 to 2014. Leverage
works very well if you create value. If you don’t create value, it goes very
badly so you are like Alice in Wonderland, you have to keep running to stay in
the same place.”
Regulators noticed that Rioforte and other ESI-linked
companies had been selling billions of euros’ worth of risky short-term debt to
BES clients.
“It does seem a little strange that BES was able to raise
capital in the market, when other Portuguese banks were not,” says an official
involved in the investigation. “It is in this phase that the bank began to
develop substitutes for the debt and capital that it could no longer raise in
the market.”
As the European financial crisis deepened, the family was
forced to borrow more. By mid-2013 the holding company’s vast debt issuance was
starting to show in the market.
A BES-owned fund called Espírito Santo Liquidez marketed to
its retail clients had grown to become the largest fund in Portugal, holding
€1.7bn of debt – consisting almost entirely of short-term commercial paper
issued by Rioforte and other ESI companies.
“They started moving over to the dark side of the force at
some point,” says a Portuguese banker familiar with the situation. “All these
funds were from 2009 – because of the crisis, they were forced to do other
things that were not totally legal as things got worse.”
. . .
By November 2013 tensions within the Espírito Santo family
were close to breaking point. José Maria Espírito Santo Ricciardi, chief
executive of Espírito Santo’s investment bank, blamed Mr Salgado – his older
cousin – for the mounting problems at ESI.
Mr Ricciardi was one of nine people present at a family
council meeting in Lisbon in late 2013. Only the senior representatives of the
five branches of the family had a vote, according to people with knowledge of
the meeting.
BES made secret loans to top shareholder
A pedestrian passes a logo outside a Banco Espirito Santo SA
branch in Lisbon, Portugal, on Friday, Aug. 19, 2011. Erste Group Bank AG, an
Austrian lender trying to expand into Poland, said it isn't interested in
buying Bank Millennium SA, Poland's seventh-largest bank by assets, which is
being put up for sale by Banco Comercial Portugues SA. Photographer: Mario
Proenca/Bloomberg
Questions raised over Bank of Portugal’s supervision amid
revelations undeclared loans were routed through Panama to bank’s controlling
shareholder, write Miles Johnson and Peter Wise
Exasperated, Mr Ricciardi walked out, slamming the door,
when he was not allowed to vote against Mr Salgado. His father voted with the
other four representatives in unanimous support of the family patriarch.
But having survived the rebellion, Mr Salgado was facing a
dire situation at ESI. In its last filing, Rioforte showed it had current debts
of €2.9bn, or almost 35 times its declared profits before tax and interest of €84m.
Interest charges alone amounted to €89m.
. . .
These towering liabilities were being propped up by
questionable assets. The accounting value the company placed on its 49 per cent
stake in ESFG was €2.14bn, versus a market value of about €450m at the end of
last year.
In August 2013 the Portuguese stock market regulator,
alarmed by the growing amount of ESI debt BES had marketed to its clients,
passed rules to ban groups from putting more than a fifth of their own
securities in a fund.
Mr Salgado knew that if he could not find a way to roll over
the debt, ESI and Rioforte were going to default. Under immense pressure, he
was forced to resign in July this year just before ESI and Rioforte requested
protection from creditors. BES, which the Portuguese authorities had repeatedly
said was insulated from the family’s problems, revealed a loss of €3.6bn,
removing the bank from the family’s control for a second time.
In transactions regulators are examining as potentially
fraudulent, BES had extended hidden credit lines to ESI-linked companies via a
subsidiary in Panama. People familiar with the investigation believe as much as
€5bn may have travelled through the subsidiary in this way. The Financial Times
has seen documents that indicate the arrangement, which was not declared in
BES’s accounts, had existed since at least 2012.
These arrangements, hidden from BES investors in off-balance-sheet
vehicles and ramped up in the final months before the bank was bailed out,
ensured that the troubles of the family’s other businesses brought down the
bank.
“As the pressure increased, they allowed the cancer [of ESI]
to infect the bank more and more,” says a Portuguese banker. “The cancer was in
one place, the brain, but they let it spread across the whole body, and to the
bank.”
Mr Salgado said last month that he would not make any public
comment until publication of the results of a forensic audit of BES’s accounts
commissioned by the Bank of Portugal. Daniel Proença de Carvalho, his lawyer,
told a Portuguese newspaper that “biased and hasty judgments” were being made
about the case, saying that this “breach of the principles of presumption of innocence”
was “inappropriate for a civilised democracy”.
But as the inquest into the collapse of BES continues, Mr
Salgado has retreated from public view, taking two rooms at the five-star
Palácio Hotel in Estoril to use as an office a short drive from his home on the
coast at Boca do Inferno.
It was at Estoril where the Espírito Santos once entertained
royals, business magnates and celebrities. But the family name that had risen
from a lottery stand to become one of the grandest in Europe now appears a
spent force.
“Everything was built around the Espírito Santo name. It
created confidence in people,” says one banker. “All that is gone. It’s now
just a source of bad will.”
Angola: Collapse highlights links with former colony
The move to make Banco Espírito Santo’s Angolan subsidiary
part of the “bad bank” has drawn renewed attention to the links between the
Portuguese family empire and the Futungo, Angola’s ruling clique, writes Tom
Burgis.
When BES set up its Angolan bank, known as Besa, in 2001,
the former Portuguese colony was nearing the end of three decades of civil war
and poised for an oil boom. Angola has since become a hot destination for
risk-seeking investors from Portugal, Brazil and China, as well as oil majors.
Besa, 55 per cent owned by BES, is among Angola’s largest lenders.
But in a country ruled by one party since independence in
1975 – and by one man, President José Eduardo dos Santos, since 1979 – business
and politics have been woven together by the ruling elite, named after the old
Futungo de Belas presidential palace.
Due diligence investigators and anti-corruption campaigners
contend that the interests of members of the Futungo have included minority
stakes in Besa. But details are unclear.
A representative of Isabel dos Santos, the president’s
daughter and Africa’s first woman billionaire, said there was “no connection
whatsoever” between her and the bank, contradicting press reports that she
controls one of its shareholders.
Three senior serving and former officials who have amassed
private business interests – including Manuel Vicente, the vice-president –
have been named in press reports as having links to Besa. The men did not
respond to requests for comment.
Last June António Paulo Kassoma, a former prime minister,
was appointed chairman of Besa. In December Angola extended a €5.7bn sovereign
guarantee to Besa as it was becoming evident that parts of its loan book were
turning sour.
But when Portugal moved to rescue and break up BES, Angola’s
central bank announced the guarantee would be rescinded. State-appointed
administrators would take over the running of Besa, it added.
Portugal’s central bank has since shifted BES’s €3.3bn
credit line to Besa into the healthy rump of the parent bank in the hope of
recovering some of it. As a “measure of caution”, the Bank of Portugal made
provisions for the entire debt to be written off.
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