sábado, 5 de abril de 2014

Conservatives to promise ban on new onshore windfarms. David Cameron's Conservatism: blowing in the wind.


Conservatives to promise ban on new onshore windfarms
Manifesto will focus on solar power and offshore wind instead in attempt to show Cameron is not abandoning green agenda
Nicholas Watt, chief political correspondent

The Conservative party is planning to pledge in its manifesto for next year's general election that it will introduce a moratorium on future onshore windfarms from 2020 on the grounds that they have now become "self-defeating".

In an attempt to show that David Cameron is not abandoning the green agenda, the Tories will also pledge in their 2015 manifesto to press ahead with an intensification of offshore windfarms.

The manifesto will also focus on greater use of solar power, a point highlighted when the government unveiled plans this week to encourage England's 22,000 schools to install solar panels and other measures to improve energy efficiency.

The decision to refocus the emphasis on offshore wind – and to abandon support for future onshore windfarms – follows an intense debate among senior Tories and between the coalition partners over the future of Britain's renewable energy resources.

A senior source close to the prime minister told the Guardian this week that Cameron is supportive of opponents of onshore windfarms and wants to "go further" in cutting financial aid to them.

A move by Cameron and George Osborne to push for a cap on the electricity output of onshore windfarms, which would in effect amount to a cap, was rejected by Nick Clegg.

The Guardian understands that Cameron has brokered a compromise between warring Tories by agreeing to include measures in the manifesto for next year's general election that will in effect rule out the building of onshore windfarms from 2020. "We are likely to see that in the Conservative manifesto," one senior Tory said of the measures, which would amount to a moratorium.

The Tories will be working out the details of the pledge, which could involve an absolute cap on the output from onshore turbines. Lesser measures, which would all come into force in 2020, would involve lower subsidies or introducing tighter planning restrictions.

The senior Conservative said it was important to act because onshore windfarms had become so unpopular.

The Tory source said: "We are not going to allow the Lib Dems to characterise us as anti-clean-energy just because we want to control the number of onshore windfarms. If anything we are mindful that uncontrolled expansion of onshore wind is alienating people from the whole clean energy debate. We think it is self-defeating."

The government believes it is on course to meet its energy forecasts outlined by the Department of Energy and Climate Change. But the source added: "After 2020 we really want to see the emphasis on offshore wind. The emphasis will shift but not completely.

"We want to deliver the wind that's obviously been built already, that's currently in the planning system, that's currently in construction. But when that current pipeline is deployed by 2020 we want to see the emphasis shift to offshore wind. Solar can also help take up the slack."

The revelation that the Tories will abandon support for onshore windfarms comes after Michael Gove, the education secretary, and Greg Barker, the climate change minister, outlined ambitions to encourage all 22,000 schools in England to install solar panels.

Schools would fund the installation of solar power, which can cost around £10,000, by accessing feed-in tariffs which would be used to pay off the capital costs, which could take up to 10 years.

Barker said: "This ambitious new roll-out of solar on our schools is another example of the coalition walking the walk, not just talking the talk on the green agenda. Schools have a particularly iconic role at the heart of communities so as well as joining the clean energy transition and helping lower our emissions, schools and their pupils can help inspire thousands of others to take action too."

Gove said: "Solar panels are a sensible choice for schools, particularly in terms of the financial benefits they can bring. It is also a great way for pupils to engage with environmental issues and think about where energy comes from."

Friends of the Earth welcomed the announcement. Andy Atkins, the executive director, said: "It's encouraging to see the prime minister's Conservative colleagues promoting a positive solar vision for the UK and as a solution to climate change, particularly when it comes just days after David Cameron took a swipe at onshore windfarms. Clean, renewable power like solar is our future, and with Greg Barker rightly pointing out that it will soon be cheaper than gas, we need the whole of government to move fast to ensure solar projects everywhere can rapidly take off."


David Cameron's Conservatism: blowing in the wind
The prime minister's once-determined proclamation of a newly progressive Conservatism is now scarcely audible
Editorial
The Guardian, Friday 4 April 2014 / Editorial The Guardian, Friday 4 April 2014

A tiny change in the North Kensington skyline was perhaps the first sign that the Cameronian overhaul of the Conservative party had run its course. The Tory leader had talked for months about putting a turbine on his roof, but after the mini-windmill arrived it almost immediately disappeared, because neighbours complained of an eyesore. Whether a more determined stand against the town hall would have allowed Mr Cameron to keep his green gadget we may never know. But in setting out his wider environmental agenda, he put the best face on this personal setback by cheerfully conceding that it was "obvious that windmills in open rural spaces do better" than in his own urban lowland, "Notting Dale".

Five years on, and Mr Cameron risks becoming the type to pick up the phone to the planning office when a green neighbour tries to do their bit. As we report, the plan seems to be for the Conservative manifesto to impose some sort of cap on onshore windfarms. Yes, there will be triangulating words about expending (vastly expensive) offshore capacity, and yes – too – a few committed Tory greens are still plugging away on substantive details, as Greg Barker's solar strategy demonstrated yesterday. But the wider sense is of the early concern with the climate evaporating into overheated air. The 2010 Tory manifesto vowed to "increase the proportion of tax revenues accounted for by environmental taxes", but after holding down petrol prices for years, the chancellor used the budget to cut the levy on long-haul flights and freeze carbon price rises which the coalition had previously precommitted to.

Greenery aside, if there were ever a propitious moment for assessing what became of compassionate Conservatism, this ought to be it. For, in the last seven days, two of its promises have been honoured – gay marriage and the pledge to devote 0.7% of national income to overseas aid. These are genuine achievements and things that would not have been done by Mrs Thatcher, whose administration threw bullying legislation at homosexuals, and squeezed aid. And yet the man who made these things totems of how he wanted to change his country is no longer leading from the front. While the PM has held firm on the principle of the marriage reform, far from making it the emblem of a wider movement to modernise, he whispers to his party that he will not try anything similarly divisive again.

As for aid, it is almost as if Mr Cameron has become embarrassed by what is, without doubt, a remarkable humane accomplishment in cash-strapped times. It was not the boss, but his Lib Dem deputy who tweeted out news that the target was hit.

Glancing backwards towards his Ukip-inclined reactionary rearguard, Mr Cameron's once-determined proclamation of a newly progressive Conservatism is scarcely audible now. Far from ceasing to "bang on about Europe", the referendum pledge guarantees that Britain will talk about nothing else in the event of a Tory win in 2015. Where the 2010 budget found extra funds for tax credits to compensate poor children from wider benefit cuts, a little later the government snatched back these earmarked funds. And whereas it had once been a badge of Cameronian honour to match Labour's plans for public service plans in opposition, cuts to income, corporate and petrol taxes are these days covered by pushing ever-deeper retrenchment ever-further into the future. As for the promise of political reform, even before Westminster's distastefully clubby acquittal of Maria Miller this week, one-time Tory talk about electing the Lords and devolving to town halls is forgotten.


Change, hope and optimism ran the early Cameron tricolon. British politics would be healthier with a centre-right party that could do hope as well as fear. Sadly, that does not seem to be the way the wind is blowing.

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