Illiberalism
Playing
with fear
In America and Europe, right-wing populist politicians are on the march. The threat is real
Dec 12th 2015 | From the print edition
POPULISTS have a new
grievance. For many years, on both sides of the Atlantic, they have
thrived on the belief that a selfish elite cannot—or will not—deal
with the problems of ordinary working people. Now populists are also
feeding on the fear that governments cannot—or will not—keep
their citizens safe.
In America this
week, after a couple who had pledged allegiance to Islamic State (IS)
murdered 14 people in San Bernardino, California (see article),
Donald Trump called for a “total and complete shutdown” of
America’s borders to Muslims. Earlier, the front-runner in the race
for the Republican presidential nomination had proposed closing
mosques and registering American Muslims. “We have no choice,” he
said.
In France, the
counterpart to Mr Trump is the far-right National Front (FN). In the
first round of regional elections on December 6th, after the IS
terrorist assault on Paris last month, the FN narrowly gained the
largest share of the national vote (see article). It was ahead in six
of the 13 regions. The FN’s leader, Marine Le Pen, and her niece
each polled over 40%.
Mr Trump and Ms Le
Pen are not alone. Support for the populist right in America and
parts of Europe is unparalleled since the second world war. Against
the backdrop of terrorism, these fearmongers pose a serious threat to
the openness and tolerance that Western societies take for granted.
Angry old men
Even before recent
attacks, right-wing populists were making their mark. Since October
Mr Trump, and Ted Cruz and Ben Carson—less offensive, but only
marginally less extreme—have together consistently won the support
of over 50% of Republican voters in polls. In Europe populists are in
power in Poland and Hungary, and in the governing coalition in
Switzerland and Finland (and that is not counting the left-wing sort
like Syriza in Greece). They top the polls in France and the
Netherlands, and their support is at record levels in Sweden. Ms Le
Pen is likely to reach the second round of France’s presidential
election in 2017. Just possibly, she might win.
Populists differ,
but the bedrock for them all is economic and cultural insecurity.
Unemployment in Europe and stagnant wages in America hurt a cohort of
older working-class white men, whose jobs are threatened by
globalisation and technology. Beneath them, they complain, are
immigrants and scroungers who grab benefits, commit crimes and flout
local customs. Above them, overseeing the financial crisis and
Europe’s stagnation, are the impotent self-serving elites in
Washington and Brussels who never seem to pay for their mistakes.
Jihadist terrorism
pours petrol on this resentment—and may even extend populism’s
appeal. Whenever IS inspires or organises murderous attacks, the fear
of immigrants and foreigners grows. When the terrorists get through,
as they sometimes inevitably will, it highlights the ruling elite’s
inadequacy. When leaders, in response, warn against slandering Islam
and focus on gun control, as Barack Obama did in a speech from the
Oval Office on December 6th, populists dismiss it as yet more
political correctness.
Populist ideas need
defeating. Mr Trump compares his plan to the treatment of
Japanese-Americans during the second world war. Just so: as Ronald
Reagan’s government later acknowledged, FDR’s policy was “race
prejudice”. A xenophobic revival would do America immense harm—and
IS immense service. Ms Le Pen would erect ruinous economic barriers
and cause mayhem by proposing to leave the euro. Hungary’s prime
minister, Viktor Orban, has vowed to build an “illiberal state”
and looks to Vladimir Putin’s Russia as a model. Even when they are
not in power, populists warp the agenda.
Nobody should
underestimate how hard it is to take the populists on. Some
mainstream politicians dismiss their arguments by labelling them
fascist or extremist. Yet such disdain risks suggesting that the
elite is uninterested in the real grievances that populists play on.
Others try to borrow the populists’ less-offensive clothes by
promising, say, to deny benefits to migrants rather than build border
fences. Yet such xenophobia-lite often just validates populist
prejudices.
The long struggle
Is there a better
way? This newspaper stands for pretty much everything the populists
despise: open markets, open borders, globalisation and the free
movement of people. We do not expect to convince populist leaders of
our arguments. But voters are reasonable—and most of them would
sooner hear something more optimistic than rage against a dangerous
world.
Part of the answer
is to draw on the power of liberal ideals. New technology, prosperity
and commerce will do more than xenophobia to banish people’s
insecurities. The way to overcome resentment is economic growth—not
to put up walls. The way to defeat Islamist terrorism is to enlist
the help of Muslims—not to treat them as hostile. The main parties
need to make that case loudly and convincingly.
Politicians also
need to deal with the populists’ complaint that government often
fails its citizens. Take the threat to security. Mr Obama’s
reluctance to deploy more troops against IS’s “caliphate” in
Syria and Iraq does not convince most Americans, including many
present and former military commanders. Europe’s spooks and
law-enforcement agencies fail to share information. The EU needs to
manage the flow of people at the border, allowing those who qualify
as refugees to work and thus help them to absorb Western values (see
article).
To imagine better
government across all of economic and security policy is a counsel of
perfection. But even small improvements will count if they are allied
to a robust defence of the West’s Enlightenment values.
The choice
ultimately falls to voters, most of whom do not subscribe to
right-wing populism. Mr Trump has the backing of just 30% of the 25%
or so Americans who say they are Republican. But the turnout for
primaries and caucuses in America is less than 20%. The turnout in
France was just under 50%. The way to beat the populists is at the
ballot box. The moderate majority has a responsibility to show up and
put a cross next to candidates who stand for openness and tolerance.
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