sexta-feira, 9 de outubro de 2015

Phew! Merkel didn’t win / There is German relief on missing out on a Nobel.


Phew! Merkel didn’t win
There is German relief on missing out on a Nobel.

By KONSTANTIN RICHTER 10/9/15, 3:41 PM CET Updated 10/9/15, 4:28 PM CET

BERLIN — Angela Merkel must be glad she didn’t make the cut after all.

The Norwegian Nobel Committee’s decision to award the Peace Prize to the Tunisian National Dialogue Quartet rather than the German chancellor comes as a relief at a time when Germany is not in party mode. A few days ago, when London bookies had Merkel at the top of their betting sheets, a survey here found that only 19 percent of Germans wanted her to win the thing. Give it to the Eritrean priest, the Germans seemed to be saying, or to the Pope for God’s sake, but please leave us alone.


Even Merkel herself said she didn’t want the Nobel. In a television interview on Wednesday she admitted that the thought of winning “almost depressed” her. There is too much work still to be done. With thousands of refugees arriving in Germany each day, Merkel is in the midst of an intense political debate on how to stem the influx and what to do with those who have already arrived.

Even Merkel’s supporters felt that a Nobel would have been premature. It would be like the Literature Prize going to a promising novelist for a book in progress.

Merkel’s decision to open the doors to refugees stranded on their flight from war-torn Syria came as a surprise. This is the same chancellor, after all, who stuck to a hard-line position on Greek debt relief. Only a few months ago, protesters took to the streets of Athens, carrying posters of Merkel with a Hitler moustache. Merkel is more popular in Germany than in Greece, of course, but she definitely wasn’t considered peace prize material until recently.

Her rise to power has been attributed to a mix of strong nerves and political pragmatism. Public opinion matters to her and tends to influence her decision-making. In 2011, after Fukushima, she committed to shutting down all reactors, knowing that the German public is deeply skeptical of nuclear power.

This time is different, though. Merkel’s “we-can-do-it”-approach is not necessarily a popular one in Germany. Her ratings have dropped, and the conservative members of her own party, the CDU, are up in arms. Right-wing movements like Pegida seem to be on the rise again. And yet, Merkel has stuck to her position, puzzling even those who have known her for years.

Tunisian mediators from the Nobel peace prize-winning institutions, at a press conference in September 2013 in Tunis, Tunisia. (Left to Right) The President of the Tunisian employers union (UTICA), Wided Bouchamaoui, Secretary-General of the Tunisian General Labour Union (UGTT) Houcine Abbassi (L) , President of the Tunisian Human Rights League (LTDH), Abdessattar ben Moussa and the president of the National Bar Association, Mohamed Fadhel Mahfoudh.

Some believe Merkel is guided by her religious upbringing as the daughter of a Lutheran pastor. She may have felt uneasy with her tough stance on Greece and is now seeking to make amends. Others claim that Merkel is taking the long view, hoping to address Germany’s demographic problem or to boost its soft power in global politics.

When U.S. President Barack Obama was awarded the Nobel in 2009, it didn’t help him domestically. Obama haters felt vindicated by the fact that some Scandinavian goodie-two-shoes thought he was prize-worthy.

Merkel is not as divisive a figure, but there’s been a popular backlash against Germany’s new Willkommenskultur — the culture of welcoming immigrants — and the peace prize could have ended up fanning the flames.

In the recent past, the Norwegian Nobel committee has shown that it wants to use the prize as an instrument for political change. Maybe this time, they sensed that awarding 8 million Swedish krona to the German chancellor would not have done her any good. It might even have been counterproductive.

The Tunisian mediators are definitely a safer bet. The Germans wish them well.


Konstantin Richter is a POLITICO contributing writer, a regular contributor to Die Welt and the author of “Bettermann” and “Kafka was Young and He Needed the Money.”

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