quinta-feira, 1 de outubro de 2015

Merkel’s new normal / Whether it’s refugees, VW or Afghanistan, the chancellor is losing her teflon coating.


Merkel’s new normal
Whether it’s refugees, VW or Afghanistan, the chancellor is losing her teflon coating.

By MATTHEW KARNITSCHNIG 10/1/15, 6:19 AM CET

BERLIN — Did Angela Merkel’s chancellorship just reach its tipping point?

A few weeks ago, such a question would have prompted quizzical stares, if not outright opprobrium.

Until recently, Merkel, who this fall marks her 10th anniversary as chancellor, appeared to be at the height of her power. Even when confronted with thorny political problems like Greece, she survived the fray with little more than a scratch.

Then the refugee crisis hit. At first, Merkel, along with the rest of Germany, basked in the glow of the Willkommenskultur, as thousands of volunteers pitched in to help the newcomers.

For once, Germany, often caricatured as Europe’s scold, was seen to take the moral high ground.

Then reality set it, both at home and abroad.

With tens of thousands refugees taking Merkel’s pronouncement to heart that there was “no upper limit” to asylum in Germany, the chancellor found herself on the defensive. Berlin’s sudden decision to reinstate border controls dismayed its neighbors.

Local officials across the country complained they didn’t have the resources to deal with the influx. Meanwhile, conservatives in Merkel’s own party called for the adoption of controversial measures like those taken by Hungary to keep the refugees at bay.

Merkel’s critics have turned her rallying cry — wir schaffen das, “we can do it” — into a cynical retort to questions about how the crisis can be managed.

But that was only the beginning of Merkel’s problems. Since then, her government has been hit by a string of setbacks, from the emissions scandal engulfing Volkswagen, to her government’s mixed messages on sanctions against Russia, to the fall
earlier this week of Kunduz, the German army’s erstwhile stronghold in northern Afghanistan.

The controversies have dented Merkel’s personal approval ratings as well as those for her right-of-center political bloc. For the first time in a year, the Union — as her Christian Democrats and their Bavarian sister party CSU are jointly known — dipped below 40 percent to 38.5 percent in a poll by Insa and YouGov.

In short, Berlin is taking heat on all fronts.

Real people

“This is the new normal,” said Jan Techau, director of Carnegie Europe, a Brussels-based think tank. “Germany is experiencing what happens when you are a leader, when you are expected as a nation to take responsibility.”

For Merkel, that responsibility means showing the rest of Europe that she can deal with multiple crises — from the migration to the euro crisis to the Ukraine — at once.

“This is a big litmus test,” Techau said. “How much capacity does the country have to lead?”

A key piece of the puzzle is the German economy. Germany has proved surprisingly resilient in recent years. Despite the chronic malaise across much of the rest of Europe, Germany’s economy has continued to power ahead.

The prosperity has given Merkel broad political leeway across a range of issues. Her government has accelerated its costly “energy transformation,” a shift to renewable energy, and even introduced a controversial minimum wage.

But now the economy faces headwinds on multiple fronts, from the pressure on VW, Germany’s largest carmaker, to the slowdown in China, a key market for German exports.

German unemployment is still the lowest it’s been in a generation, but the economic storm clouds could change that.

Germany’s political debate has already turned to how to pay for the 800,000 to 1 million refugees expected to arrive this year. At a time when funding for key infrastructure, from schools to roads, has been tight, the billions the government has earmarked to house and feed the refugees could spark a backlash.

What’s more, most of the refugees are likely to stay for the long term, requiring further investment in housing, schools and administration.

Until this summer, Merkel’s leadership was mainly viewed against the backdrop of Europe’s debt crisis. The refugee crisis will change that.

“Grexit was a virtual thing in newspapers,” said Ulrike Guérot, director of the Berlin-based European Democracy Lab. “The refugees are here, they’re people. It’s not an elitist question, it’s in the middle of society.”

While the Left party is calling for taxes on the rich and on companies to compensate for the extra costs, the conservatives in Merkel’s coalition want to do away with the minimum wage.

Unlike with Greece, where Merkel’s views were largely in sync with those of her party and society at large, she has staked out a much more progressive position on refugees.

Now in her third term, she may be betting she has little to lose after presiding over one of the most prosperous periods in Germany since the war. A common criticism of Merkel’s leadership is that she is too cautious and unwilling to confront the public with hard truths.

Though initially slow to react to the refugee crisis, she has since seized the initiative. Abandoning her persona as Germany’s pragmatic, dispassionate leader, Merkel, daughter of a Lutheran pastor, appealed to Germans’ moral instincts.

“What she’s saying is, ‘you are either with me or against me,’” Guérot said. “If it turns sour, it will be because she wanted a moral Germany and Germans didn’t.”

Authors:


Matthew Karnitschnig 

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