Big
Brexit, little chancellor
Philip
Hammond will run a less visible, more ‘grown-up’ outfit than his
predecessor George Osborne.
By TOM MCTAGUE
9/9/16, 5:30 AM CET
LONDON – Philip
Hammond has a Brexit plan that will infuriate Brussels. The open
question is whether the U.K. chancellor is politically strong enough
at home to force it through.
Britain, the
country’s finance minister believes, should sit back and let the
Brexit lobbying frenzy commence. With a trade deficit with the EU
running at almost £70 billion, the U.K. has time on its side and can
secure access to the EU single market outside the club, he has
privately told colleagues.
His views contrast
with the more strident Brexiteers in the government, who are wary of
any deal with Brussels, eager to leave the EU and dismissive of
worries about the economic shock to the U.K. cut off from the single
market. Those influential voices include a trio of hardliners in
other key jobs in Theresa May’s cabinet.
Sounding more open
to a compromise with Brussels than they are, the chancellor insists
European industry is “desperate” to maintain free trade and will
increasingly make its voice heard in continental capitals as the
Brexit negotiation moves into focus, according to Westminster sources
familiar with his thinking. By that logic, the longer Britain waits,
the more pressure there will be to maintain the status quo.
As soon as Article
50 is triggered next year, the U.K. can also begin trade talks with a
host of other world powers, Hammond has told Westminster sources,
despite EU claims that it would be illegal. The U.S., Canada, Japan,
China, India and Australia have begun making quiet overtures about
opening up trade talks, senior Treasury sources said.
Hammond’s handicap
in carrying this strategy out is that for the first time since the
1960s, the chancellor’s cabinet supremacy over U.K. economic
strategy is being challenged. Not since Harold Wilson’s ill-fated
attempt to create a rival department for economic affairs has the
preeminence of Britain’s all-powerful Treasury been called into
question.
In May’s team of
rivals, Brexit Secretary David Davis wants an end to the right of EU
citizens to live and work freely in the U.K., even if that means
losing British access to the single market, and is running the
department tasked with drawing up the U.K.’s exit plan. Liam Fox,
the trade minister, and Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson are also
lined up against Hammond on Brexit and trade.
“Some of the
rhetoric we are seeing about a ‘Brexit boost’ is worrying. The
early data we’ve seen does not suggest that.” — Treasury
official
While Prime Minister
May rates Hammond, and promoted him from the Foreign Office in the
previous cabinet, she is skeptical about the overweening power of his
department, according to interviews with senior government figures.
Hammond’s predecessors ranged across government as deputy prime
minister in all but name. Britain’s new prime minister wants a
chancellor focused only on his day job.
So, while the
chancellor may have a plan to guide Britain painlessly out of the EU
without tipping the economy into recession, he may not be strong
enough to deliver it. How the traditionally second-most important
person in British politics fares in coming months will help determine
the shape of the divorce deal with Brussels and Britain’s relations
with the world after quitting the EU.
Hammond’s
tightrope
Two months into the
job Hammond finds himself hemmed in between economic necessity and
post-Brexit political reality. On one side, May has left him in
little doubt that he must do whatever it takes to keep the economy
afloat as Britain negotiates its EU exit. On the other, he finds
himself in a battle to protect the economy with one arm tied behind
his back, hampered by his referendum support for Remain, which has
left him vulnerable to accusations from Euroskeptics of overreacting
to economic turbulence.
Hammond’s history
as an advocate for remaining in the EU has left him limited room for
maneuver. Any hint of economic pessimism is met with murmurings of
dissent and accusations of “talking the economy down.”
In the run up to the
referendum, ardent Euroskeptics threatened to vote against mooted
budget cuts that would be necessary after a Brexit downturn, claiming
it amounted to “punishment” for voting the wrong way.
Yet with the U.K.
government deficit hovering at around £74 billion, Britain cannot
afford another recession.
Hammond may
introduce multi-year budgets to allow government departments to take
a longer term approach.
Veteran Eurosceptic
backbencher and Davis ally John Redwood insists there is no need for
the Treasury to take any additional measures in the wake of
referendum result. “I see no circumstances where the Brexit vote
can cause a recession in the U.K,” he said. The former Tory
leadership contender added that Hammond’s Treasury was continuing
to look at everything through “ridiculously pessimistic Brexit
glasses” and said there was no evidence to support concerns about a
possible downturn.
Redwood said some
big businesses had delayed investment decisions in the U.K. but
insisted consumer confidence remained high and most of the economic
data pointed to healthy growth. He also criticized the Bank of
England for carrying out a “needless” stimulus in the wake of the
referendum and maintained that the previous forecast of 2.2 percent
growth in 2017 was “perfectly good.”
Claims that
Britain’s economy has calmly sailed through storm Brexit is causing
dismay in the Treasury. And the chancellor is far more concerned than
he lets on, senior Treasury sources said.
In private Hammond
says the economy, while performing better than expected, will remain
“fragile” for years to come and will need “careful” support
throughout the Brexit process. “Some of the rhetoric we are seeing
about a ‘Brexit boost’ is worrying,” a Treasury source added.
“The early data we’ve seen does not suggest that.”
Despite some
positive economic figures — notably the increase in consumer
spending over the summer and Monday’s bullish service sector PMI
data pointing to a growing economy — the Treasury remains braced
for a “significant slowdown” and possible recession, senior
sources said. Business investment figures are a particular cause for
concern.
The Treasury is
still weighing the need for fiscal stimulus to complement the Bank of
England’s monetary boost, despite a number of banks reversing their
forecast for a Brexit-induced recession. A final decision is not
expected until much closer to the Tory conference in October.
Hammond’s first
concrete tax and spending measures will be laid out in the Autumn
Statement on November 23.
The chancellor is
considering one major policy change: the introduction of multi-year
budgets to allow government departments to take a longer term
approach, according to a senior government source.
The radical move,
which has been the dream of big-spending departments, would show the
Treasury is still capable of bold reforms, despite the limitations
imposed by Brexit and Hammond’s own perceived political weakness.
Diminished authority
By May’s design,
Hammond is a far more restricted chancellor than Britain has grown
used to. The prime minister sees the chancellor as an ally, but is
skeptical of the power of the Treasury.
May has been damning
about the department’s record under her predecessor David Cameron.
In her opening pitch for the Tory leadership she lambasted Britain’s
“striking” lack of economic reform over the past six years.
Osborne held twice
daily meetings with Cameron. Hammond is limited to one regular weekly
face-to-face with his prime minister.
Gordon Brown used
the department as a virtual opposition administration to Tony
Blair’s. George Osborne went further — all but running the
government for Cameron. “David was like a non-exec chairman,” one
veteran Tory MP said. “George was the government’s chief
executive.”
When she appointed
Hammond, May left him in no doubt what was expected. Alongside every
other cabinet minister, the chancellor was given personal
instructions from the prime minister. Hammond must prioritize growth
and any spare cash must go to the poor. Austerity can wait, for now.
Osborne’s carte
blanche over economic affairs has been thrown in the bin. The twice
daily meetings between Cameron and his former chancellor have been
scrapped. Hammond is now restricted to one regular weekly
face-to-face in Number 10, senior sources revealed. His weakness is
that he is simply May’s chancellor. Unlike his predecessors, he is
not his boss’s political strategist or confidant.
“The chancellor
and the Treasury will find a pretty strong ally in the prime minister
in maintaining growth. I wouldn’t write the Treasury off yet.” —
Jonathan Powell
Treasury aides
insist this shows confidence in their man. Number 10’s explanation
is more cutting. “They are not a duo,” one Downing Street source
said bluntly when asked about the political partnership.
The new prime
minister has also created a rival power base for economic reform:
Greg Clarke’s giant new department for business, energy and
industrial strategy, a throwback to Wilson’s department for
economic affairs.
And yet, despite
May’s reservations about the Treasury, Hammond is a chancellor she
trusts, according to Downing Street sources.
The pair mixed in
the same social circles at Oxford a decade before Cameron and Osborne
arrived. They are both forthright, unshowy Conservatives from
middle-class backgrounds with a reputation for quiet competence.
Hammond has risen
through the ranks of government without a major gaffe or scandal. A
successful businessman, he made millions from a property firm before
entering parliament in 1997.
His most important
attribute, some speculate, is that he poses no threat. At 60, Hammond
has no political ambitions beyond the Treasury. “It’s his last
job in government,” a senior Treasury source said. “He has no
aspirations to be leader.”
Hammond will not use
the position to grandstand or position himself for further
advancement, Downing Street believes. A Number 10 aide said Hammond’s
tenure at the Treasury — in contrast to Osborne’s — would be
“grown-up, or just professional,” exposing the continuing disdain
for the former chancellor.
“You can expect
much more workmanlike [House of Commons] statements. No rabbits or
political traps, that kind of thing,” a senior source close to the
chancellor agreed.
The chancellor
himself is also keen to distance himself from his predecessor. “I
won’t be wearing high-viz everyday,” he has joked to friends
about Osborne’s habit of being pictured at building sites.
Power of the purse
Despite the apparent
weakness of his position, senior figures in previous administrations
believe Hammond will regain the initiative over time.
“Reports of the
Treasury’s demise are common and usually premature,” said a
senior former Labour cabinet minister. “Philip Hammond is a fairly
assertive politician and I don’t think he will let himself be
knocked around by the others.”
Hammond, he added,
would force his way into almost every decision on Brexit: “Most of
the agreements with Brussels will inevitably involve the Treasury
because they will involve money.”
He said May’s
primary purpose in setting up the Department for Brexit was not to
challenge the Treasury, but to ensure that “any betrayals come from
them [the Euroskeptics].”
In the upcoming
battle for supremacy between Hammond and the three Brexiteers, the
senior former cabinet minister only saw one winner. “I would put
money on the prime minister and chancellor team over any other, and I
think I could go out and buy a drink on the strength of that bet
before it had even paid out.”
Jonathan Powell,
Tony Blair’s former chief of staff, agreed. “I think the
chancellor and the Treasury will find a pretty strong ally in the
prime minister in maintaining growth,” he said.
“The Treasury has
been much underestimated in the past,” Powell said. “They control
funding as well as the macroeconomic. When they gave up control of
the Bank of England, that was supposed to constrain them, but it
didn’t. I wouldn’t write the Treasury off yet.”
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