EDITORIAL / PÚBLICO
Barroso, Cameron e a imigração
DIRECÇÃO
EDITORIAL 20/10/2014 - 20:06
O presidente da
Comissão Europeia surpreendeu com um discurso forte contra as políticas
anti-imigração do Governo britânico.
Durão Barroso fez
ontem um dos seus discursos mais marcantes desde que é presidente da Comissão
Europeia (CE). Muitas vezes atacado por excesso de colagem às posições das
potências mais poderosas, sobretudo desde que a crise do subprime bateu às
portas da União, em 2011, desta vez Durão não usou de meias palavras para
criticar as recém-anunciadas medidas que David Cameron tenciona apresentar para
impor barreiras à entrada de cidadãos europeus no país. Curiosamente, esta
intervenção não só foi feita em solo britânico (Londres) como já foi
considerada "o mais forte ataque de Bruxelas aos conservadores",
segundo o Guardian. Para assinalar ainda mais a surpreendente atitude de
Barroso, recorde-se que o partido de Cameron faz parte da família política
europeia em que se situa o PSD, partido que Barroso liderava antes de assumir o
seu mandato europeu.
Mas, afinal, o
que quer Cameron? Impedir a livre circulação de cidadãos comunitários através
das suas fronteiras, o que, como bem recordou Durão, não só contraria as leis
europeias, como "é um princípio muito importante para o mercado
único" tão caro ao Reino Unido. Ficou assim claro que esta matéria não só
não é negociável como se tornará incómoda para o Reino Unido, que corre o risco
de isolamento face aos seus aliados "naturais" do centro e Leste do
continente, os mais visados por estas políticas. "Um erro histórico",
advertiu ainda Durão, que Londres pagará caro na medida em que põe em causa a
sua tão reivindicada reforma da EU.
Já não é de agora
a inflexão britânica em termos de políticas de imigração com muita polémica à
mistura. No final de 2013, um pacote de restrições à livre circulação de
romenos e búlgaros (com início a partir de 1 de Janeiro deste ano) incendiou os
ânimos. Na altura, Barroso não foi tão assertivo, mas outro português, António
Guterres, foi o alvo dos tories. O alto-comissário das Nações Unidas para os
Refugiados, preocupado com as leis em preparação, entregou no Parlamento
britânico um documento de alerta, no qual advertia contra os perigos de tal
legislação "propiciar racismo étnico", "estigmatizar
estrangeiros" e negar asilo a quem precise. Douglas Carswell, deputado torie, não hesitou
em qualificar e dar destino ao texto de Guterres: "É lixo e devia ir para
o lixo."
Já toda a gente
percebeu que a deriva radical do Governo britânico (e, já agora, de outros
países europeus) em matéria de imigração tem que ver com o crescimento da
extrema-direita, que tem tirado vantagem da crise económica e da falta de
soluções para desgastar os partidos tradicionais e se tornar cada vez mais
ameaçadora para o statu quo. Ora justamente, Barroso tem sido alvo de críticas
violentas pela sua alegada incapacidade de conduzir a Comissão no sentido de
maior equilíbrio entre países ricos e
pobres, entre o Norte/centro e a periferia, enfim, um líder respeitado e
capaz de mostrar firmeza em momentos cruciais. Agora, quase de saída, já não
pode dar a volta a dez anos de mandato, mas sempre é melhor partir com um
discurso que fique na memória... pelas melhores razões.
On immigration, David Cameron has joined Ukip’s
paranoia bandwagon
José Manuel
Barroso has exposed the PM’s slapdash policy, which only replicates the anxiety
of the electorate
Suzanne Moore
theguardian.com, Monday 20 October 2014 / http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/oct/20/immigration-david-cameron-ukip-paranoia-barroso
First I was bored, now I am just bemused.
We have had months of talking nonstop about how we don’t talk about
immigration. Now we have entered the realm of fantasy politics with politicians
vying with each other to “crack down” on immigration. These promises are
detached from any reality.
Much of this is to do with Ukip, but it
also is about a central dishonesty about whose interests the Tory party
actually represents: a part-time shop worker in Margate or big business which needs to be
tempted to invest in that area.
So today we have the outgoing European
commission president José Manuel Barroso basically telling David Cameron that
he is talking tosh on emergency brakes and caps on immigration. The free
movement of labour as well as capital, goods and services is intrinsic to the
concept of the EU.
Capitalism in motion makes a lot of people
feel very anxious, but EU withdrawal would mean a lot of big firms would pull
out of the UK .
Nigel Farage’s Ukip would indeed be radical if it totally revoked the logic of
the market, but most of them know they will not have to enact their only real
policy.
But Cameron will, and while figures like
Ken Clarke are telling him to focus on the economy, he is still trying to
placate the “public concern” over immigration. You know that concern that the
politically correct have banned us from talking about but which is actually on
the front pages all the time?
Let’s be dead clear here: since 2004, when
lots of workers from the new EU member states came in because at that point our
economy was doing well, a new anti-immigrant conversation became “permissible”.
As many newcomers were white, anti-immigrant views were no longer simply
racist.
This does not mean they were, or are
particularly rational. If they were, places with the highest immigration would
be more likely to fall for Ukip, and this isn’t what is happening. Clacton, for
instance, has 4.3% of its population born abroad (the UK average is
one in eight) and most of key Ukip seats have lower foreign-born populations
than the national average. To spell it out, those most worried about
immigration live in areas of low immigration.
So what we have is a lack of reason at the
bottom, replicated stupidly at the top. When immigration becomes the repository
for all kinds of anxiety, the delusions multiply. Entire towns are not racist,
indeed Clacton actually voted for a good
constituency MP. But Clacton is depressed
economically, as is Thanet, where Farage will stand. The coastal towns have
long been dumping grounds for London
to use up their cheap housing. I come from 80 miles away from London and it still feels
far away in time and place.
What Ukip has done is turn multiple
anxieties into nostalgia. It is a party that contests modernity in all its
present forms: that’s why it can’t do cities, only market towns. It cannot
deliver the past for it is not even truthful. The past it seeks to reinstall is
imaginary, but the imagination is powerful for those who feel powerless.
For David Cameron to try to appease these
people by suggesting he can do 12 impossible things before lunchtime is
desperate. To see Labour join in is deeply dispiriting. There have always been
those queasy about immigration, wanting to blame their circumstances on these
new “others” they both envy and fear. It is worth remembering, though, without
denying the difficulties, that the more people have contact with each other the
less hostile they become.
Anxiety is allayed not by reciting facts
and figures but by human connection – because anxiety is irrational. This is
not to deny the unfairness that is experienced, for the modern world does not
feel a kind place to many, especially the young and the poor.
Surely, though, the least we can expect
from politicians is not to indulge in even more paranoid, delusional thinking.
Barroso merely pointed out that the idea of pulling up the drawbridge not only
contravenes EU law but asked about the Brits living in EU countries – up to 2
million of them – because this stuff works both ways. He is merely joining up
the dots of slapdash policy.
Policy fused out of electoral fear is
neither desirable nor achievable. It is dishonest. It is the government
essentially trolling Ukip. All of this anxiety is a kind of motion sickness
because the economy is making people move faster than they feel they can. But
no party will actually address this. That’s why now we enter a world of fantasy
politics which in the end just produces a different kind of nausea.
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