Huawei decision shows the limits of US power —
and Britain’s
The lure of
inexpensive Chinese routers and switches outweighed Washington’s pleas to its
closest ally.
By RYAN
HEATH AND NANCY SCOLA 1/28/20, 8:13 PM CET Updated 1/29/20, 4:49 AM CET
For the
United States, Boris Johnson’s embrace of Huawei is a potential tipping point
in Washington’s faltering struggle with Beijing for global technological and
economic dominance. For the United Kingdom, Tuesday’s decision is a pragmatic
choice born of economic necessity.
In the end,
the lure of the Chinese company’s inexpensive routers and switches proved
irresistible to a U.K. government that is banking on a quick and cheap rollout
of super-fast 5G networks to build its post-Brexit reputation for digital
innovation and openness. And that was enough to outweigh the loud barrage of
U.S. warnings that Huawei’s gear would open the door to espionage — not to
mention a future in which the intrusive, antidemocratic principles of the
Chinese Communist Party rule the technologies of the future.
The outcome
bodes ill for the Trump administration’s attempts to persuade countries like
Canada and Germany to spurn Huawei’s equipment, further chipping away of the
United States’ future power in the networked world.
What’s
more, Washington may have little choice but to accept Johnson’s move for the
moment — despite the fiery words of Trump allies such as Republican Sen. Ben
Sasse of Nebraska, who lamented that “our special relationship is less special
now.” One U.S. official told POLITICO that some in the administration see at
least a partial victory in London’s decision to exclude Huawei from the
“sensitive core” of British networks, limit its involvement outside that core
and acknowledge that Huawei is a “high-risk vendor.”
“'We will
bank it and then see what more we can get' is what I would imagine would be our
posture,” the U.S. official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Throughout the United States’ anti-Huawei crusade,
even close U.S. allies complained that Washington was dictating, not making a
case.
Not exactly
fire and fury.
Why the
U.S. pressure campaign fell short
Throughout
the United States’ anti-Huawei crusade, even close U.S. allies complained that
Washington was dictating, not making a case. Rather than presenting evidence,
they said, it fell back on the sort of argument made by Secretary of State Mike
Pompeo, that Huawei's security risks are self-evident: It's a Chinese company,
full stop.
In the
past, that might have been enough, especially given the special, exceptional
role that the United States has always played in the global communications
network itself. The country built the internet itself, and many of online
realm’s most defining companies — from Google to Facebook to Apple to Amazon —
were born in the U.S. That gave the country a certain moral, and functional,
authority when it comes to tech.
But a lot
has changed in the past several years. For one thing, residual anger remains outside
America over former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden's
revelations that the U.S. government was willing to tap those homegrown
companies for spying, even on allies such as Germany. Whether that anger is
entirely real or a performance, it has still made the rest of the world less
inclined to accept Washington’s advice on how the internet should work.
And even
countries that might have given the U.S. the benefit of the doubt have balked
in recent months at the Trump administration's often undiplomatic 5G diplomacy.
On a July episode of POLITICO's Global Translations podcast, a German diplomat
working on Huawei conceded that in the end, his country would likely end up
close to the U.S. position — but it wasn't going to be told what to do by the
United States. (Chancellor Angela Merkel's coalition government is still
struggling with a decision.)
What's
more, the Germanys of the world now have options when it comes to tech — cheap,
reliable, Chinese options. Both the Chinese people and Chinese government are
immensely proud of Huawei because of it, and they're not going to let countries
get away lightly with dismissing the company.
In the
U.K., the unspoken issue is Brexit
The U.K.
economy is predicted to grow by just 1 percent in 2020. With an uncertain
economic future thanks to Brexit, getting rid of Huawei in favor of more
expensive Swedish (Ericsson) and Finnish (Nokia) suppliers is an economic
headache Britain doesn’t need — on top of the fact that such a move would also
delay the networks.
Given that
the decision is guaranteed to anger Britain’s closest ally — the United States
— the decision demonstrates the wider tensions in the country’s post-Brexit
“Global Britain” policy. Expect more of those tensions if Britain pushes ahead
with a 2 percent levy on big tech firms, an action that U.S. Treasury Secretary
Steven Mnuchin warned British Chancellor Sajid Javid against implementing in a
Saturday meeting.
On their
own, these two transatlantic fights would be a significant nuisance for
Britain, but hardly a crisis. But the problem for Britain is they can’t be
separated from London’s wish for a quick trade deal with the United States.
Britain
wants the U.S. trade deal for two reasons: to show the rest of the world that
Britain is worth doing business with as its breaks from the EU, and to pressure
the EU into settling its own trade deal with the U.K. quickly.
“You think Trump is going to be soft in an election
year?” one EU negotiator told POLITICO on Monday. “Come on, the U.S. deal isn’t
leverage.”
But
Johnson’s Huawei decision threatens to set off a cascade of complications for
that strategy, especially since it alarmed senior Republican lawmakers who
would may have to approve any trade deal. EU trade negotiators also scoff at
the idea of Britain using U.S. trade negotiation as leverage in EU-U.K. talks.
“You think
Trump is going to be soft in an election year?” one EU negotiator told POLITICO
on Monday. “Come on, the U.S. deal isn’t leverage.”
The
negotiations are fragile before they’ve even started: The U.S. wants full
access for American drug and medical device-makers, which sparked outrage
across the U.K. in 2019, given the cherished role Britain’s National Health
Service plays in national life there. Meanwhile, U.S. Agriculture Secretary
Sonny Perdue is talking tough in EU-U.S. trade negotiations, pushing back
against an EU ban on hormone-treated beef and poultry washed with peracetic
acid, which signals that Britain will be in line for the same treatment.
If delaying
or losing a trade deal is the political price Britain has to pay for its Huawei
decision, advisers to Johnson believe they’re making a calculated choice.
“In 10
years, we want to be a high-tech Silicon Valley across the whole of the
U.K.," one British government official who works closely with Johnson told
POLITICO. "That is more important than getting slightly cheaper meat.”
Annabelle
Dickson and Eric Geller contributed to this report.
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UK takes
the European way on Huawei
London’s
refusal to fully ban Chinese 5G vendor is a boon to European capitals preparing
similar measures.
By LAURENS
CERULUS AND ANNABELLE DICKSON 1/28/20, 8:03 PM CET Updated 1/28/20, 9:59 PM CET
British
Prime Minister Boris Johnson's government on Tuesday announced it will allow
Huawei to sell equipment for 5G networks but keep its access limited to
peripheral, non-sensitive parts of the network | Justin Tallis/AFP via Getty
Images
Forget
Brexit. The EU and the U.K. are sticking together when it comes to handling
"high-risk" telecom firm Huawei.
British
Prime Minister Boris Johnson's government on Tuesday announced it will allow
Huawei to sell equipment for 5G networks but keep its access limited to
peripheral, non-sensitive parts of the network. It's a measured move that
concludes months of heated political debate over the issue.
In his
decision to allow Huawei partial market access into future telecom networks,
Johnson is siding with European countries — and shunning his chum in
Washington, Donald Trump.
The U.K.
solution is one of the first comprehensive policies imposed in EU member
countries, and — despite the imminent split from the EU — is likely to be
repeated across the Continent, too.
"The
EU's approach was inspired by the U.K. one," said an EU diplomat close to
the issue, who requested not to be named. A blanket ban — as requested by the
U.S. — "won't be the preferred choice for most [European] countries,"
the diplomat said.
The U.S.
has threatened to cut back on intelligence sharing with countries that allow
Huawei into the networks.
Across
Europe, governments are reviewing their security processes for the telecom
sector, largely as a consequence of continued U.S. pressure to do so. Countries
including France and the Netherlands have already beefed up their rules on
telecom security, while Germany is in the midst of reviewing its rules.
National
and EU officials have also worked together for months on new measures to
protect 5G networks. The end result is a so-called toolbox of security measures
that will be presented on Wednesday in Brussels.
The toolbox
text, seen by POLITICO last week, recommends EU capitals impose "restrictions
— including necessary exclusions" for "high-risk" vendors, which
the EU previously defined as suppliers likely to be "subject to
interference from a non-EU country." That's expected to hit Huawei and its
smaller Chinese rival ZTE.
The EU's
joint list of recommendations also identifies "critical or sensitive"
parts of 5G networks.
In closing
ranks, European governments hope to avoid retaliatory measures from both China
and the U.S.
At national
level, major EU countries such as France have largely followed that same
rulebook, rolling out new security requirements that are likely to exclude
Chinese vendors such as Huawei from core parts of the network — although draft
rules in Germany have been criticized for being too lenient.
The U.K.'s
move is already rubbing the United States administration the wrong way. In a
statement, the U.S. said it was "disappointed" by the decision. U.S.
diplomats and security officials for more than a year pressed European
counterparts to go all the way and impose a blanket "ban" on Huawei
equipment in Europe.
Providing
cover
In closing
ranks, European governments hope to avoid retaliatory measures from both China
and the U.S.
Chinese
officials have warned that far-reaching market blocks would harm trade
relations with European countries. In the case of Germany, the Chinese
ambassador to Berlin linked the country’s approach to Huawei to its car sales
in China.
Johnson's
move to impose only partial limits on Huawei "could give [German
Chancellor Angela] Merkel additional political cover to push for her preferred
approach," which is to avoid strict limits to Huawei's market access, said
Paul Triolo, a researcher at the think tank Eurasia Group.
But, Triolo
added, it's likely Merkel "will attempt to kick the issue down the
road" as she faces political pressure from her Social Democratic Party
coalition partner and members of her own conservative party.
German
Chancellor Angela Merkel's approach is to avoid strict limits to Huawei's
market access | Michele Tantussi/Getty Images
It’s not
just China that is forcing European countries to stick together. The U.S. has
threatened to cut back on intelligence sharing with countries that allow Huawei
into the networks.
The U.K.
will now become a test case for Trump to stand by that threat — with the rest
of Europe watching.
With Brexit
fast-approaching — and considering its close security relationship with the
U.S. as part of the Five Eyes community — London would have been a likely
partner to fall in line.
But
Johnson's government instead balanced the economic interests of domestic
telecom operators and his own election promise to roll out high-speed internet
networks across the country, with the risk of offending his political ally in
the White House.
"We
continue to urge all countries to carefully assess the long-term national
security and economic impacts of allowing untrusted vendors access to important
5G network infrastructure," a U.S. administration official said in the
statement. "We look forward to working with the U.K. on a way forward that
results in the exclusion of untrusted vendor components from 5G networks."
Steven Overly contributed reporting.
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