THE NEW YORKER
JANUARY 10, 2015
Le Pen’s Moment
BY PHILIP GOUREVITCH / http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/le-pens-moment
“We’ve been
predicting this for a long time,” Jean-Marie Le Pen, the founder of the French
radical-right National Front party said on Wednesday, shortly after the
massacre at the Paris
office of the radical-left satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo. “It was to be
expected. This attack is probably the beginning of the beginning. It’s an
episode in the war that is being waged against us by Islamism. The blindness
and deafness of our leaders, for years, is in part responsible for these kinds
of attacks.”
Although Le Pen and the National Front were
frequent targets of Charlie Hebdo’s savage mockery, the two were at least as
frequently aligned against shared political enemies. As the French say, “the
extremes touch,” and when it came to ridiculing the mainstream political
parties—the center-left Socialists of President François Hollande and the
center-right Gaullists of his predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy—it was often
difficult to distinguish the grotesque caricatures you might find in Charlie
Hebdo from those in National Front rhetoric. So, too, when it came to the
xenophobia and racism of their anti-immigration polemics, and their baiting of
Islamophobic and anti-Semitic sentiment. (Charlie Hebdo was merciless toward
Christianity, too, but there Le Pen lost his sense of humor.) Le Pen, the
former fascist street fighter, relishes his role as a scourge of the
establishment as much as the former Communist
street fighters of Charlie Hebdo did, and he has
always delighted in an opportunity to taunt his adversaries and critics. When I
wrote about him in 1997, I reported that he had asked me, “What do I have to do
not to be racist? Marry a black woman? With AIDS, if possible?” After the
article appeared, he wrote to the magazine, complaining that, as “an
Anglo-Saxon,” I had missed the Gallic subtlety of his wit: he had not said “une
noire,” a black woman, but “un noir,” a black man.
The cover story of the issue of Charlie
Hebdo released on the day of the massacre was about the author Michel
Houellebecq and his new novel, “Submission,” a political fiction that describes
the takeover of France by an Islamist party in the 2022 elections, following a
tight runoff race against the National Front’s current leader, Marine Le Pen
(who in reality took the party’s reins from her father four years ago). Marine,
as everyone in France refers to her, has said that Houellebecq’s alarmist
fantasy impressed her as entirely plausible, and the left-of-center daily
newspaper Libération greeted the book with an essay damning Houellebecq as “the
Le Pen of the Café de Flore,” a sort of fifth columnist for the National Front,
sneaking far-right politics into the heart of Left Bank literary culture.
Houellebecq, for his part, likes to protest that he is an apolitical sort of
soothsayer—that he is merely imagining, not advocating, much less seeking to
provoke, a radical polarization of French society, in which a soft and
ineffectual center gives way to a clash of domestic and immigrant nationalisms.
By the end of the week he had cancelled his book promotion and retreated to an
undisclosed rustic hideout.
We know very little, as yet, about what the
killers who terrorized Paris for the past three days sought to achieve, beyond
the murders of Charlie Hebdo staff members; police officers; and Jewish hostages
at a kosher supermarket. But nobody in France needed Houellebecq’s novel,
or Jean-Marie Le Pen’s I-told-you-so, to recognize at once that the terror
played directly to the National Front’s advantage. Whereas Le Pen, the father,
was content for most of his career to rattle the political order as a protest
candidate, Marine is hellbent on remaking that order in her own image.
“You’re looking for a place at the table,”
I said when I met her four years ago, while reporting on Sarkozy’s collapsing
Presidency.
“You’re right,” she said. “I’m looking
especially for the Presidency of the table.” She laughed. “That’s right,” she
said, and added, “It’s true today that we’re in a phase of accession to power.”
Since then, Le Pen’s popularity, and her
share of votes, has only increased, and she has managed to present her
agenda—anti-European Union, anti-immigrant, anti-euro—as approaching the
mainstream, even as she cherishes her status as an outsider, untainted by the
past twenty years of deepening French political crisis. In the immediate
aftermath of the attack on Wednesday, as traffic surged on her Facebook page
and she picked up thousands of new followers, she did nothing special to insert
herself into the story or to exploit the fears that the Front has long fed on.
She reiterated her longstanding call for France to withdraw, unilaterally
and at once, from the Schengen Agreement, which allows for open borders within
the extended European community, but that was hardly newsworthy. Rather, Le Pen
appeared to adopt the time-tested opposition strategy of waiting for the
political establishment to make a misstep that would turn attention her way—and
she did not have to wait long. Within hours of the Charlie Hebdo massacre, the
ruling Socialists and a coalition of allied parties of the left announced plans
for a massive solidarity rally on Sunday—a silent march through the heart of
Paris in the cause of “national unity”—without extending an invitation to the
National Front.
The exclusion of the Front was great news
for Le Pen. Nobody believed that she would have wanted to go and be associated
with the political mainstream, but, by failing to invite her, the Socialists
had given her a cudgel. “I don’t intend to submit myself to this blackmail,”
she told Le Monde. “It’s a total perversion of the concept of national union.
They’ll have to accept the consequences from the voters.” She went on, “This
whole thing is a way of pushing aside the only political movement that has no
responsibility in the present situation, along with its millions of voters. All
the other parties are deathly afraid. They’re thinking of their little
elections and their little mandates. Their old reflexes that have frozen
political life for twenty years and that dug the chasm between those who govern
and the people. If I’m not invited, I’m not going to insist. It’s an old trap.
The slightest incident and they’ll say it’s my fault.”
François Lamy, a Socialist parliamentarian,
retorted in Libération, “There’s no room for a political group that, for years,
has divided French people, stigmatized our fellow-citizens because of their
origin or religion, and can’t get behind a group march.” Jean-Vincent Placé, a
senator from an environmentalist party, piled on: “We’re democratic enough to
allow” the National Front “in our elections. We’re not going to turn the other
cheek any farther than that.” But one Socialist source, who chose to remain
anonymous, told Libération that it was a mistake to make such an issue of
Sunday’s march. “After an event like this, it’s time to strengthen the dikes.
What happened on Wednesday should serve to bring voters back to the Republic,
not to draw attention to Marine Le Pen and company,” the source said, and
concluded that the Socialist party had “fucked itself” by stepping into the
Front’s trap.
On Friday morning, President Hollande
included Marine Le Pen on the roster of national leaders he summoned to the Élysée Palace
for consultations, in the name, again, of “unity.” But Hollande pointedly
declined, in their face-to-face meeting, to invite her to the march on Sunday.
Meanwhile, his Prime Minister, Manuel Valls—like Hollande, a Socialist—kept the
controversy alive by announcing that he had invited Sarkozy to the march. When Libération
pressed him on whether he would also extend an offer to the National Front,
Valls scoffed at the question. “Are the families of Charlie Hebdo supposed to
march with Marine Le Pen?” he asked, seeming to forget for the moment that they
were going to march with leaders of nearly every other social and political
element that the martyred cartoonists had reviled. In fact, Stéphane
Charbonnier, Charlie Hebdo’s late editor, had rebuked the government when it
tried to block an Islamic demonstration, saying that his censorious adversaries
should have the same freedom of expression that he had.
On Friday evening, Hollande addressed the
nation. By then, three suspects, all French citizens, had been killed in two
simultaneous, terrifying sieges, while the fourth remained at large. The threat
remained, Hollande said: “We must remain vigilant.” But he called for
solidarity, and urged every citizen to march on Sunday, assuring his
compatriots that “unity is our greatest weapon.”
As Hollande spoke on Friday, at the start
of the Jewish Sabbath, the Grand Synagogue of Paris stood closed, for security
reasons, for the first time since the Second World War. That was a spectacular
victory for the terrorists. Whatever else they intended to accomplish, their
most immediate targets were the press and the Jews. The attack on the press
shocked the conscience of France
and of the world. The attack on the Jews, not so much. President Hollande said,
“We will emerge from this stronger than ever.” The shuttered temple told another
story. Meawhile, Jean-Marie Le Pen took to Twitter to exercise his wit. Over a
picture of Marine, looking as Presidential as the next guy, he offered a slogan
in English, a language he does not normally traffic in: “Keep Calm and Vote Le
Pen.”
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