domingo, 23 de agosto de 2026

 

The Sunday read Fossil fuels

Drill, Burnham, drill? The oil basin that is a totem for Trump - and a headache for Britain’s new PM

Matthew Taylor Environment correspondent

Two oil rigs in the North Sea.

The amount of economically viable oil and gas from the North Sea has declined rapidly since its peak at the turn of the century. Photograph: Martin Langer/Alamy

North Sea oil, once the driving force of the UK economy, may be dwindling but it remains a symbol of prestige and a rich resource for political debate

Sun 23 Aug 2026 06.00 BST

https://www.theguardian.com/environment/ng-interactive/2026/aug/23/drill-burnham-north-sea-oil-basin-totem-trump-headache-britain

 

When oil was first discovered off the north-east coast of Scotland in September 1969, industry folklore has it that the duty superintendent on the rig carefully poured it into a pickle jar commandeered from the canteen and took it back to Amoco’s Great Yarmouth office in Norfolk. There, it was emptied into an ash tray, sniffed and then set alight.

From that modest start, North Sea oil – as the huge basin of oil and gas reserves quickly became known – emerged as a driving force of the British economy and a symbol of national power and renewal as the UK emerged from the Opec oil crisis.

By 1977, the then Labour prime minister, Jim Callaghan, declared: “God has given Britain her best opportunity for 100 years in the shape of North Sea oil.” A subsequent white paper said it offered “a unique opportunity for Britain to improve her economic performance, raise her living standards, move forward to full employment, and develop a socially just society”.

A decade later, the basin became a central part of Margaret Thatcher’s political project , with its revenues approaching 10% of the UK’s total tax take at times, supporting a programme of tax cuts and privatisation.

A black and white photograph of oil rig infrastructure in the North Sea.View image in fullscreen

Oil rig in the North Sea, 1974. Photograph: Zuma/Shutterstock

Output peaked at the turn of the century, when the basin produced a staggering 4.4m barrels of oil equivalent a day. Aberdeen, chosen over Dundee by the fossil fuel corporations for their onshore headquarters because it had fewer links to bothersome trade unions, was booming, with offshore jobs plentiful and well paid.

Ewan Gibbs, a specialist in the history of energy in the UK at the University of Glasgow, said that as the oil began to flow, it was seized upon by politicians and the public as a symbol of British imperial might.

“At its peak, oil was associated not only with immense wealth but also with power and international prestige,” said Gibbs. “It came to embody a sense of national renewal.”

Now, those boom years are firmly in the past. The amount of economically viable oil and gas has declined rapidly in the past two decades and by 2030 the basin will produce just 15% of its peak output.

Many of the biggest oil and gas corporations have left as stocks dwindle – BP was the latest, announcing this summer an end to six decades in the basin. And the jobs are going too. During the boom years, North Sea oil directly employed about 120,000 people and supported hundreds of thousands more jobs indirectly. Data from the Office for National Statistics suggests that figure has now dropped to about 27,000 direct employees.

However, although its economic significance has waned, the idea of North Sea oil has retained a disproportionate grip on the national psyche, and – as culture wars over the climate crisis continue to be stoked by politicians and media on the right – it remains a useful symbol of sovereignty and power for some.

“Even as it declines, there is still a strong sense for many people that this is Britain’s oil, that it is bountiful and belongs to the country, and that if we don’t exploit it we are turning our back on something important,” said Gibbs.

“It is this emotional attachment, this idea that this is our oil that means, even as the area becomes less economically significant, it retains an outsized importance in the country’s imagination.”

Culture wars

In the run-up to the 2024 general election, the Labour party announced there would be no new exploratory licences for oil and gas in the North Sea.

It was a significant moment in the fight against climate breakdown. In 2021, the International Energy Agency had said there could be “no new investments in oil, gas and coal” if the world was to avoid the worst impacts of the climate crisis. Now, the government of one of the richest countries in the world was making it clear it was moving away from fossil fuels to focus on renewable energy.

It was also a victory for the then energy secretary, Ed Miliband. He had been making the case within Labour that a rapid transition to a cleaner energy systems would not only help tackle the climate crisis but had the potential to make the UK a “clean energy superpower” and unshackle it from the increasingly volatile fossil fuel market, creating jobs and lowering bills.

Miliband argued that the transition to a renewable future could also offer a lifeline to communities in north-east Scotland that had seen jobs and wealth disappear as the flow of oil dried up, despite hundreds of new drilling licences being awarded.

“In the 20th century through North Sea oil, Britain exported to the world,” Miliband told a speech to the Labour party conference before the 2024 general election. “In the 21st century … Britain will be an energy superpower once again, exporting clean power to the world and controlling our economic destiny. British families and businesses will never again be held to ransom by [the Russian president, Vladimir] Putin.”

But fast forward two years, and despite wars in Iran and Ukraine again highlighting the perils of dependence on a volatile fossil fuel market and an escalating climate crisis, those plans are once more at the centre of a political storm.

The leader of Reform UK, Nigel Farage, and the Conservative party leader, Kemi Badenoch, have called for a massive expansion of drilling in the North Sea, claiming they would reverse the ban on new licences if elected.

In a speech this year, Farage declared that the UK should be “self-sufficient in gas”. Badenoch followed with the promise of a growing UK oil and gas industry that would “ensure our energy security for generations to come”. .

Donald Trump is also a fan of a UK version of “drill, baby, drill” in the North Sea. In one of several interventions on the subject, he claimed the basin was “one of the greatest reserves anywhere in the world … with 500 years of oil and gas reserves left”.

Such statements have left climate experts, geologists and energy specialists scratching their heads.

Steve Pye, a professor of energy systems and the deputy director of the Energy Institute at University College London, said: “The North Sea basin has been in decline since 2000. There are no credible prospects of reversing this.”

But in the midst of a cost of living crisis, others are making the case for any intervention, however small, that might ease the burden on households and boost Treasury coffers. Some trade unions and parts of the Labour party are in favour of exploiting the North Sea’s existing licences, arguing they provide some jobs and bring in at least some tax revenue.

Ed Miliband in front of a picture of a windfarm.View image in fullscreen

Ed Miliband has long advocated a fast transition to renewable energy as a way to shore up Britain’s energy security and reduce bills. Photograph: Murdo MacLeod/The Guardian

Experts, however, point out that energy prices are set globally and there is not enough oil or gas in the North Sea to have any impact, so there would be no reduction in UK bills whatever the country did.

Also, the vast majority of what is left in the North Sea is oil that overwhelmingly goes abroad to be refined and then sold on the international markets, meaning it has no impact on the UK’s energy security.

More of the gas produced in the North Sea goes to UK homes and businesses but there is less of that left, certainly not enough to make any meaningful impact on our reliance on imports. A recent study by Carbon Brief found that even if the government allowed new licences it would only make a fractional difference: gas extraction from the North Sea is forecast to drop 99% by 2050 without new licences, compared with 97% if new licences were awarded.

Conversely, the study found that the continued expansion of renewables and low-carbon technologies in the North Sea would reduce reliance on volatile gas imports much faster than allowing new drilling, with energy from new wind and solar from the latest government auction expected to produce six times more electricity by 2030 than new drilling licences would.

On employment, the campaign group Uplift points out that the number of jobs supported by the oil and gas industry has more than halved in the last decade – from 441,000 to 214,000 today – despite previous governments issuing hundreds of new licences in six separate licensing rounds.

And on tax, critics have questioned the scale of the benefit once you take into account state subsidies to oil and gas companies, which globally run into the hundreds of billions of pounds.

Others question the public appetite for fattening the profit margins of fossil fuel companies, which made a record $93bn in profit in the three months to June, while fossil fuel-driven climate disasters, including wildfires and droughts, hit Europe, the UK experienced five heatwaves this summer, and energy costs continued to rise.

Firefighters from South Wales fire and rescue service battle a wildfire near Dowlais Top as flames approach the Heads of the Valleys road in Merthyr Tydfil, Wales.View image in fullscreen

Wildfire rages in Merthyr Tydfil, Wales, after extended dry and hot weather. Photograph: Ethan Fowler/JNA/Zuma Press/Shutterstock

In June last year, when he was still the mayor of Greater Manchester, Burnham backed the fossil fuel treaty, a proposed international pact on phasing out coal, oil and gas – calling it a “lifeline” that “all governments” should join.

In recent weeks, Burnham, now prime minister, has spooked many who want to see this commitment transferred to national government when he said he would take a “pragmatic” approach to oil and gas drilling in the North Sea and that the government could not ignore the potential resources it holds.

Miatta Fahnbulleh, who replaced Miliband as energy secretary, has expressed similar views since taking office, although previously she has spoken out about the realities of the climate crisis. With consultations on the Jackdaw and Rosebank field projects now closed, a decision from the government could come at any time.

Tessa Khan, the director at Uplift, said it was “a dangerous fantasy” to talk up the potential of North Sea oil as a fix for Britain’s problems.

“We have seen that, time and again, the arguments put forward by the fossil fuel lobby and their supporters in favour of more drilling have fallen away upon making contact with reality – from falsehoods about lowering bills to exaggerations about improving energy security. After 50 years of drilling, the fact is the UK has burned through most of its gas reserves, while most of what remains is oil that is largely exported.

“Politicians know this. Pretending otherwise for political gain, on an issue as serious as energy security, is unedifying and a betrayal of UK energy workers who urgently need a coherent plan to deliver long-term, secure jobs – which will only now come from renewables and other industries – not some pipe dream.”

At its core, Khan said, the ongoing debate was the result of an extensive lobbying campaign by the oil and gas industry for lower taxes and greater profits for shareholders and executives.

“We shouldn’t fall for it. The lesson of the past five years is clear: the best protection against global energy shocks is accelerating renewables and helping households and businesses switch to clean electricity. This is just common sense in today’s world.”

Green jobs

In October last year, the UK government unveiled plans for an extra 400,000 jobs in the burgeoning green economy over the next five years.

Making the announcement at the Siemens turbine factory in Hull, Miliband said the government planned to double the number of people working in green industries by 2030, with a particular focus on training those coming from fossil fuel jobs, school leavers, the unemployed, veterans and ex-offenders.

The national plan was given a cautious welcome by unions, from Unite to the GMB, which have long been pushing for a more detailed plan for how people will switch from fossil fuel to clean energy jobs.

The green economy is certainly becoming an increasingly significant part of the UK’s future. A recent report from the Confederation of British Industry found it already supported a million jobs and higher wages, with nearly half a trillion pounds of further investment in the pipeline.

This rapid growth is visible in the North Sea itself, with huge windfarms springing up across the basin. The electricity they generate accounts for about 18% of the UK’s total. Overall, in 2025, renewables provided 50.4% of the UK’s electricity, compared with 31.8% from fossil fuels.

Redcar windfarm off the Teesside coast.View image in fullscreen

Redcar windfarm off the Teesside coast. Photograph: Peter Oliver/Alamy

Despite this rapid growth, there are growing concerns that any benefits from these developments are bypassing the workers and communities that need them most.

Unite and GMB, the unions representing oil and gas workers, say the transition to renewable energy is not delivering the secure long-term jobs that were promised and – to the dismay of climate activists and others within the union movement – they have been vocal about their support for more drilling in the North Sea.

Others fear the renewables sector is experiencing a repeat of mistakes made during the oil boom, when a big slice of the profits and benefits were taken by private oil companies.

Connor Watt, of Platform, which works with current and former oil workers, unions, community groups and climate activists across Scotland, said: “The three main wins from the transition to renewables should be jobs, cheaper energy and income from electricity generation that can be used to bolster public finances, to help local communities. But at the moment, despite huge renewable projects going ahead, none of those three things have materialised and people are beginning to wonder why.”

Two fire fighters look at the burnt and smoking remains of trees after Suffolk wildfire.View image in fullscreen

Firefighters at the site of wildfires near Dunwich Heath, in Suffolk, in July. Photograph: Tolga Akmen/EPA

Oil and gas workers, unions and community energy groups have organised a campaign to rethink how the government is conducting the “just transition”. They are calling for a greater role for community ownership and nationalisation to stop the profits and benefits bypassing local workers and communities. They are also calling for the government to set up a community wealth fund to ensure the benefits are felt across the country.

Watt said North Sea oil had brought some local wealth and jobs but after a decades-long boom there was “no real legacy to speak of.”

Many campaigners look to Norway, where the government set up a sovereign wealth fund when it discovered oil and gas in the North Sea. It is used to safeguard the economy and fund future public spending and is now worth more than $2tn – the biggest fund of its kind in the world. Analysts say that if the UK had taken a similar approach, a UK sovereign wealth fund could be worth about £850bn now.

Watt said: “If you compare what has happened here with what Norway did with its sovereign wealth fund, which has had huge benefits for the people of that country, we did something totally different – a market-led approach which has seen the vast majority of the benefit flow into the profits of global corporations rather than local communities.

“Once again we are seeing a market-led approach [in the renewables industry], where the vast majority of benefits are simply not going to local communities. People are increasingly disillusioned after decades of economic decline. Life is getting harder and the likes of Reform are exploiting that frustration to deepen division and line the pockets of their industry backers.”

The debate about North Sea oil and gas extraction looks set to rumble on, even as its economic significance dwindles.

But for many whose lives and livelihoods are entangled with what happens there, it is a distraction from the decisions that will actually shape their future.

Watt said: “The real question policymakers and local communities must grapple with now is: can the UK capitalise on the renewable energy revolution? And if it does, will it be the workers and communities across the UK who benefit, or corporate profit margins?”

 

Woke is Back and It's Worse Than Before

The Strange Radicalisation of Matthew Goodwin

 


THE OPPORTUNIST EXTREMIST

The Strange Radicalisation of Matthew Goodwin

 

Joe Mulhall

https://hopenothate.org.uk/state-of-hate-2025-matthew-goodwin/

 

Writing for Chatham House in 2011, Matthew Goodwin asked, “What drives some citizens to abandon the mainstream in favour of populist extremists?” Since then, he has gone on to answer the question himself.

 

Today, Goodwin is one of the most influential radical right figures in the country. His reactionary Substack has over 69,000 subscribers, he has his own show on GB News, and he is a vocal supporter of Nigel Farage’s Reform UK, offering strategy advice and whipping up crowds at the party’s conferences. Fulfilling a long-held dream, he is now a well-known media commentator, finally receiving the attention he always felt he deserved.

 

This wasn’t always the case. Goodwin was once a serious academic working to understand the drivers of far-right extremism, and for most of his career relatively liberal, seen by colleagues as hard working, bright and ambitious. He produced several books and articles on the British National Party and the wider far right. He even sat on the government’s Anti-Muslim Hatred Working Group and wrote impassioned articles for The Guardian denouncing Islamophobia and warning of the dangers of far-right politics.

 

Sadly, this has all changed, and in recent years his rightward shift has seen him become a fully-fledged radical-right activist.

 

Radicalisation

Some have argued that Goodwin became radicalised after he “went native” or “drank the Kool-Aid” while studying UKIP for his two co-authored books, Revolt on the Right and UKIP: Inside the Campaign to Redraw the Map of British Politics. The argument goes that his time with Nigel Farage and other prominent UKIP figures actually served to redraw Matthew Goodwin.

 

The truth is more complex. Looking at Goodwin’s earlier academic work, it is possible to discern a sympathy for the concerns of those who voted for far and radical-right parties. He has long argued that their anger was justified, or at least understandable, and that their supporters had been ignored by mainstream politicians. This certainly isn’t a radical position and has been argued by many in social science and beyond for decades. The difference with Goodwin is that he’s gone from sympathy for the voters, to sympathy with the far-right parties preying on them.

 

Yet there is another common thread that can be traced from his earliest days in academia through to today, one that explains his seismic political shift better than anything else. After speaking with a range of former colleagues and academics who have worked with or known Goodwin over the years, there emerged one common point. From his earliest days in academia, he was ruthlessly ambitious, supposedly motivated more by personal advancement than a love for or interest in the topic that he researched.

 

Goodwin’s political shift is perhaps best explained by his desire for recognition. Numerous former colleagues recall his frustration at the speed of his advancement and a growing bitterness at those he blamed for it. This might seem odd for someone who gained a professorship in his mid-thirties, but it was recognition from the golden circle of British universities – Oxbridge and the major London institutions, rather than his employer at the University of Kent – that he most desired. Other colleagues recall Goodwin’s difficulty with taking criticism – necessary in the peer reviewed world of academia – with one calling him “aggressive, brittle and deeply insecure”.

 

He allegedly felt that his politics, described by numerous colleagues as “working class Tory” at the time, resulted in discrimination against him. The “liberal elites” at these institutions were apparently preventing him from getting the jobs he deserved. This may go some way to explaining why he has now published two polemics about intellectual narrow mindedness in academia: Values, Voice and Virtue and Bad Education.

 

The fork in the road came in 2016 with Brexit and the election of Donald Trump. Former colleagues mention that he was appalled by the reaction of his peers to these events, feeling in some cases it was they who had been radicalised, not him. For Goodwin, it appears that this fed into his already existing prejudices. These were the same people – the new elite – who were thwarting his personal ambitions.

 

Despite being a professor, Goodwin wanted more. Colleagues from this time recall joking that he was always likely to become a TV pundit or MP. Finding that he had impressive access to the right of the Conservative Party and leading figures in UKIP, it seems Goodwin began to see a possible new market to exploit, new opportunities for fame and fortune.

 

With time Goodwin shifted from sympathy, to excusing, to outright support for the radical right. Yet Goodwin isn’t a fanatic. He’s more dangerous than that. He will say whatever he thinks will resonate with whatever audience he wants to rile up. It increasingly seems there is nothing he won’t say, no foghorn he won’t scream through, if he thinks it will get him more views and paying Substack subscribers. He’s an opportunist extremist.

 

Following His Own Blueprint

The great irony of Goodwin’s career trajectory is that his own academic analysis of the far right can be used to describe his activism.

 

Goodwin spent many years analysing what drives people towards the far right. He worked to understand the messaging that resonates most with people susceptible to this form of politics. As such Goodwin’s rise to a major figure on the British radical right – or “popular extremist” to use a term from his earlier work – can actually be understood as him following the successful blueprint he identified and warned about. He knows which buttons to push, which narratives will cause maximum anger, which topics to highlight and which to avoid. He has essentially reverse-engineered his own research to build his own career as a radical right influencer.

 

Race and Nation

While Goodwin’s rightward shift has been evident for some years, it has certainly accelerated. During last year’s racist riots – the most widespread outbreak of far-right violence in the postwar period – the extent of Goodwin’s radicalisation became evident. In a post on his Substack titled “What did you expect?”, he framed the horrifying violence, which included people trying to set alight a hotel with asylum seekers inside, as an understandable reaction to “mass immigration”. He described people at the riots as, “ordinary people, who feel like they are losing their country”, who were trying to, “exercise their voice”.

 

He also emphasised that the Cardiff-born murderer was “the son of immigrants from Rwanda”, in a clear attempt to frame the horrifying attack as a result of immigration. When challenged about his comments on BBC Radio 4’s Moral Maze it became clear that there is increasingly a racial element to Goodwin’s conception of nationhood.

 

Similarly, in a 2024 Substack article about Britain’s “demographic CRISIS”, he warned that “the share of the country’s population that identifies as “white British” is forecast to become a minority group around the year 2070,” and that “those who oppose these great inflows and do not embrace the rapid ethnic change they cause wonder why it is that politicians seem unable to stop them”. At no point does he explain why the decline of the number of “white British” people due to a rise in the number of “black British” or “Asian British” people is a problem. It’s presented as self-evident.

 

Goodwin’s slippage towards a racial conception of Britishness was laid bare when he claimed on GB News: “More than 50% of social housing in London is now occupied by people who are not British. This is not acceptable.” In reality, the percentage is actually about 14%. Goodwin’s correction relied on the fact that 48% of social housing in London goes to families headed by people who were not born in Britain, many of whom are naturalised citizens. All this hints at a conception of nationhood based on birth and race.

 

Islam and Muslims

Among Goodwin’s more extreme positions are those concerning Islam and Muslim integration. Perhaps this should come as no surprise as his own research showed that “anti-Muslim sentiment is becoming a key driver of support for these parties, and that simply talking about reducing the numbers of immigrants or tightening border security will no longer satisfy the modern PEP [Populist Extremist Parties] supporter”. Goodwin knew that Islamophobic rhetoric is a good driver of their support and so could be a possible driver of his own.

 

Today he is keen to discredit the very notion of Islamophobia. On his YouTube channel, he describes Islamophobia as “the flavour of the month amongst the elite class”. During a debate on GB News, he asked: “Do you not find the term Islamophobia problematic?”

 

In one of his recent videos, he said: “The reason this matters, perhaps to people like you watching this video, is because I think we can all sense that terms and social norms like ‘Islamophobia’, ‘transphobia’, ‘xenophobia’ or even ‘hate’ and ‘far right’ are now being inflated, are being widened, are being ballooned by the expert class to try and shut down discussion about issues they either think are not important or might challenge their power and their interpretation of our society.”

 

This is a far cry from the earlier Goodwin who argued in The Guardian that “Islamophobia does not only affect British Muslims; it plays directly into the hands of extremists who claim that western societies will never accept Islam and its followers”. As recently as 2013 he argued that “few serious commentators cling to the bankrupt idea that Islamophobia is not an issue or is the product of oversensitive British Muslims”. It’s unclear whether this is an admission that he is no longer a “serious commentator.”

 

The New Elite

In addition to trumpeting the dangers of Islam and the Muslim community, Goodwin also regularly lays blame at the feet of the elite, or his newly defined “new elite”. Here we can also see him drawing from his own research into what makes far-right politics successful. Goodwin once wrote that “mainstream parties are lumped into a single ‘corrupt’ and ‘out-of-touch’ elite and are ‘all the same’.” They are attacked “for focusing on obsolete issues, while at the same time suppressing political issues associated with the real conflict between national identity and multiculturalism”.

 

Goodwin said that populist radical-right parties “portray themselves as outsiders in the party system, as underdog parties that represent the true voice of a ‘silent majority’, and as the only organizations willing to address sensitive issues such as immigration and the integration of Muslims”. Today it would be hard to find a better articulation of Goodwin’s own reactionary and opportunistic rhetoric on his GB News show, or the strategy of Farage’s Reform UK.

 

More recently, in his 2023 book Values, Voice and Virtue, Goodwin posits the existence of a “new elite”, which he defines as people from Oxbridge or Russell Group universities living in big cities and part of the professional and managerial class. What unites them is a set of socially liberal or even radically “woke” ideas. Goodwin seeks to redefine the elite from people with actual power to people with “radically progressive cultural values”.

 

It’s perhaps unsurprising that much of the blame for the emergence of the so-called “new elite” is placed upon “the Oxbridge and Russell Group college system”, the same institutions that didn’t give him the recognition he felt he deserved.

 

While he accepts in passing that “old elite – clearly – still exist”, he fails to convincingly explain why the values of the new elite are somehow more powerful than the money and actual power of the old. For example, one section in society that seems to generally avoid his ire is the financial sector. Perhaps this can be explained by his sideline in providing speeches to practically every major financial institution in the world. His website proudly lists engagements at UBS, Deutsche Bank, JP Morgan Asset Management and Santander amongst dozens of other financial institutions.

 

Polling as a Weapon

Goodwin often employs polling to buttress his reactionary politics and provide an air of scholarly legitimacy to his activism.

 

Yet in 2013, in an article for The Guardian, he warned readers that one of the problems faced by those opposed to Islamophobia:

 

are unhelpful opinion polls, which either attempt to show how many Muslims sympathise with terrorists, or how non-Muslims don’t like Muslims. They might be driven by good intentions but often inflame tensions and provide new ammunition to extremists. And worse, they are often inaccurate.

 

He continued: “If we are going to explore these kinds of questions then we need to make sure that we do it properly, with good data and in a way that does not inadvertently legitimise the narratives of extremists.” He even went as far as suggesting such polls should be subject to peer review.

 

Sadly, Goodwin appears to have forgotten this lesson. In a recent Substack article titled “Shocking: what British Muslims think”, he apocalyptically writes about exactly the sort of polling he previously warned about. Only now he describes it as “compulsory reading for anybody and everybody who has a serious interest in the future of Britain and the West more generally”.

 

Since morphing into a radical-right extremist, Goodwin has regularly used polling to evidence his divisive, reactionary and apocalyptic positions. Yet reliability has proved something of an issue for his own company, PeoplePolling, which finished bottom of the list for accuracy at last year’s general election.

 

Hypocrisy

Among Goodwin’s hypocrisies, there is one more egregious than any other. Like much of the far right, Goodwin presents himself as a champion and defender of free speech. In one of his alarmist YouTube videos, he warns that the new Labour government “just declared war on free speech and free expression”.

 

Under the previous Conservative administration, Goodwin fought to get the Higher Education Free Speech Act passed, which created a legal requirement for universities to promote and protect free speech on campus.

 

Despite claiming to be a fervent believer in free speech and a defender of academic freedom, Goodwin is also a vocal supporter of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary. Last year he tweeted:

 

I just spent 4 days in Hungary, a conservative country criticised by elites across the West. I saw no crime. No homeless people. No riots. No unrest. No drugs. No mass immigration. No broken borders. No self-loathing. No chaos. And now I’ve just landed back in the UK.

 

In an interview with a Hungarian news website, he said: “The British elite often portrays Hungary as a country in violation of EU laws, regulations and standards. But I think their country is just resisting the pressure to impose a liberal agenda represented by a narrow minority of Western countries.”

 

Goodwin has also spoken at several events organised by the Mathias Corvinus Collegium, an Orbán government-aligned and funded private educational institution.

 

Hungary is a country where teachers have been fired for participating in acts of civil disobedience and where tear gas has been used against students protesting legislation to further centralise the public education system. Orbán’s government has limited press freedom and facilitated media takeovers by investors sympathetic to his party, Fidesz. Goodwin seems more than comfortable to ignore all of this and praise the country while presenting himself as a defender of free speech and academic freedom at home.

 

A Danger

It is easy to look at Goodwin’s radicalisation as an amusing story of how ego and self-interest can drive someone to destroy their reputation. How a sad desperation for recognition can make some people do and say anything. A warning about the radicalising potential of the endless hunt for clicks and subscribers.

 

But Goodwin’s willingness to do or say anything that will advance his own career actually makes him more dangerous. It doesn’t matter if he believes the reactionary and extreme things he says. It’s not particularly relevant if there is genuine conviction behind his increasingly irate and angry social media posts.

 

Goodwin’s years of work to understand what makes far-right parties successful, and what angers their supporters to the point of activism, mean he knows which drums to bang, which topics to focus on, which language to use, which communities to target. The result is that he is now one of the most effective radical-right figures in the UK.

Matt Goodwin WARNS White Brits will become a MINORITY by 2070 due to one key reason

 

Suicide of a Nation: Immigration, Islam, Identity by Matt Goodwin

 


Suicide of a Nation: Immigration, Islam, Identity

by Matt Goodwin (Author) 

THE NO.1 SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER

 

A searing examination of Britain's political crisis and the growing chasm between Westminster and the people it governs.

 

Suicide of a Nation is a story of how Britain, one of the most remarkable countries on earth, is not just in decline but is committing national suicide. It is a story of how a people are losing their own country. Mass uncontrolled immigration, porous borders, 'two-tier multiculturalism', and a draconian regime of censorship are all contributing to not just the transformation of a country and a people but their very replacement.

 

Drawing on a huge amount of data, rigorous analysis, and demographic forecasts, Suicide of a Nation pulls back the curtain to show readers how their population, how their country, is now being completely transformed -and in ways they never voted for, nor ever asked for.

 

Through an unflinching look at reality, a reality the politicians would rather you ignore, Suicide of a Nation asks and then answers a series of uncomfortable but urgent questions.

 

What is happening to Britain, and why? On current demographic trends, where will the country be at the end of the century, only 74 years from now? Why are millions of people, including their wishes, concerns, and worries, being ignored? Why has the country's political and cultural elite become so utterly disconnected from the rest of the country? What might happen if none of this is addressed? And what must change before it is too late?

Aaron Bastani Slams Matt Goodwin’s Hypocrisy On GB News

 

The Identity Trap: A Story of Ideas and Power in Our Time is a 2023 non-fiction book by political scientist Yascha Mounk that critiques the rise of identity politics and "wokeness" on the political left.

 


Yascha Mounk The identity trap

The Identity Trap: A Story of Ideas and Power in Our Time is a 2023 non-fiction book by political scientist Yascha Mounk that critiques the rise of identity politics and "wokeness" on the political left. Mounk argues that a well-intentioned desire to protect marginalized groups has transformed into a counterproductive obsession with group identity. He labels this modern ideological framework the "identity synthesis". Instead of healing social divides, Mounk warns that this ideology creates a "trap" that stymies progressive institutions, fosters zero-sum conflicts between groups, and inadvertently fuels right-wing populism.

The Intellectual Roots

Mounk traces the genealogy of the identity synthesis from niche academic theories to mainstream institutions:

  • Postmodernism: Built upon Michel Foucault’s ideas rejecting objective truth and viewing all social interactions purely as hidden power dynamics.
  • Postcolonialism: Heavily influenced by Edward Said and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, focusing on rigid binaries between marginalized and dominant cultures.
  • Critical Race Theory: Formulated by scholars like Derrick Bell and Kimberlé Crenshaw, introducing structural intersectionality and skepticism toward colorblind legal principles.
  • The Mainstream Shift: Popularized by contemporary figures like Ibram X. Kendi and Robin DiAngelo, transitioning these complex academic ideas into simplistic corporate and bureaucratic frameworks by 2020.

Why It Is a "Trap"

According to Mounk, the identity synthesis functions as a trap across three core levels:

  • The Personal Trap: Reducing individuals to their demographic categories strips away unique human agency and nuance.
  • The Policy Trap: Applying these ideas to education and public policy—such as race-restricted COVID-19 vaccine rollout guidelines or racially segregated school activities—institutionalizes separatism.
  • The Political Trap: Fixating on identity divides mainstream institutions, driving moderate voters into the arms of right-wing populists like the MAGA movement.

The Core Arguments vs. Liberalism

The book contrasts the modern identity synthesis with classic, universalist liberalism:

Ideological Feature

The Identity Synthesis

Classic Liberalism

Primary Social Unit

The demographic group.

The individual human agent.

Mutual Understanding

Impossible across different identity lines.

Achievable through empathy and shared humanity.

Cultural Sharing

Often vilified as harmful "cultural appropriation".

Celebrated as mutual influence and creation.

State Treatment

Dependent on group identity to correct past wrongs.

Governed by neutral, colorblind, universal rules.

Mounk's Alternative Solution

Mounk concludes the book with a passionate plea for universalism and humanism. He argues that the most effective way to fight discrimination is not by emphasizing what makes us different, but by striving toward universal values, free speech, equal opportunity, and neutral democratic norms that protect all citizens regardless of background