quarta-feira, 2 de setembro de 2026

How the Galliano Show at the Met Fell Apart

 



How the Galliano Show at the Met Fell Apart

 

Anna Wintour put her full power and prestige behind a designer convicted of an antisemitic hate crime. Behind the scenes, influential New Yorkers revolted.

 

By Jacob BernsteinVanessa Friedman and Dana Rubinstein

Sept. 2, 2026

Updated 3:05 p.m. ET

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/02/style/john-galliano-met-exhibition-cancel-anna-wintour.html

 

Early last month, Anna Wintour, the global editorial director of Vogue and powerful Metropolitan Museum of Art trustee, reached out to Julie Menin, the daughter of a Holocaust survivor and the first Jewish speaker of the New York City Council.

 

Over a 30-minute video call, Wintour tried to persuade Menin that honoring John Galliano, the fashion designer convicted of an antisemitic hate crime, with a solo exhibition in the Met’s Costume Institute was a good idea.

 

Galliano is a creative genius, Wintour said, according to Menin. And he is contrite about his previous rants against Jews — which included an exclamation of “I love Hitler!” and a taunting of patrons at a bar that their forefathers would all be “gassed.”

 

During the call, Wintour, who rules over the fashion world and the Met Gala with almost unquestioned authority, offered to have Galliano meet privately with Menin. She also, according to Wintour’s spokeswoman, discussed possible ways to mollify critics of the show, such as moving the date of the gala, changing its focus and opening the exhibition early for Jewish leaders.

 

Menin left the call feeling brushed off. Wintour had continued to exude confidence that the exhibition would be a success.

 

On Monday, that confidence collapsed, as the Met abruptly announced that the show was off.

 

The implosion of the most important event on the museum’s calendar, with its star-studded extravaganza that draws luminaries from the worlds of entertainment, art and industry and generates tens of millions of dollars each year, was a striking stumble for the 76-year-old Wintour, who has personally championed Galliano and prides herself on her unerring judgment and her astute assessment of art and fashion.

 

Wintour’s effort to elevate Galliano by bestowing on him the Costume Institute’s highest honor — only two living fashion designers have previously been celebrated with solo shows — touched off a tense drama that played out among New York’s powerful and prominent as they scattered to their vacations during a typically quiet stretch of August.

 

By pushing ahead with the plan, Wintour and other Met leaders appeared to misread some essential realities of the moment: The fashion world’s forgiving and commercially driven values do not often reflect broader public sentiment. The Met leaders, many of them non-Jewish, seemed out of touch with the raw feelings of the city’s Jewish residents, who had witnessed searing incidents of antisemitism over the summer. And even the extraordinary ability of Wintour to sweep away scandal, criticism and controversies through sheer will and decisiveness has its limits.

 

“It was a perfect storm of unnecessary insensitivity,” said Rabbi David Ingber, senior director of Jewish life and senior director of the Bronfman Center at the 92nd Street Y.

 

In a statement, a museum spokeswoman said of the Galliano show, “Like every Met exhibition, it proceeded through the museum’s established processes of curatorial development and institutional review, including with certain board groups.

 

But the blunder has touched off many hard questions about Wintour’s, and the Met’s, judgment.

 

Said Elisha Wiesel, chairman of the Elie Wiesel Foundation: “If praise for Hitler and references to the gas chamber do not disqualify someone, where is the line?”

 

Growing Concerns

At first, the museum’s leadership team seemed confident that the public would want to see the exhibition, despite Galliano’s past misdeeds. Fifteen years had gone by since he was found guilty by a French court of the hate crime.

 

After his conviction, Galliano went into rehab and apologized for his remarks against both Jews and Asians. He met with Jewish leaders and studied the history of Judaism under rabbis. Wintour supported him when he was persona non grata, and helped him become the creative director of a prestigious luxury brand, Maison Margiela, where his tenure was widely applauded until his departure in 2024.

 

As far as the fashion world was concerned, Galliano was back, reputation restored, and the Met had good reason to believe the show celebrating the 65-year-old designer would be a hit: Five of the 10 most-visited exhibitions in modern museum history have been Costume Institute shows, and over the years, Wintour has transformed the Met Gala from just another stuffy benefit into a spectacle akin to the Super Bowl or the Oscars. Since 1999, when she took over the event, it has brought in over $300 million for the Costume Institute, the Met’s fashion wing, including a record $42 million in 2026. Overall, Wintour has raised more than $500 million for the museum.

 

But even in late July, after The New York Times broke the news of the planned Galliano exhibition, there were early murmurs of opposition. Some of them emanated from members of the nearly 100-person Met board, who had long tolerated Wintour’s imperious manner, from her habit of wearing sunglasses at board meetings to her neglecting to invite many of them to the gala. They had stayed quiet in the past, even as they chafed at the increasingly carnival-like atmosphere she created, from the arrival of the Kardashians at the gala to ever more outrageous clothes on display.

 

Some prominent Jews, meanwhile, were unsettled by the news, but worried that if they spoke out, they would play into stereotypes.

 

“People didn’t want to seem like they were complaining,” said Alice Tisch, whose extended family has donated millions to the Met. “One of the trustees I talked to said, ‘I think they’ll take it out more on the Jews.’”

 

As a result, many people who disagreed with the plan hoped to work quietly toward a resolution, especially as both Wintour and Galliano assured them Galliano’s bigoted behavior was firmly in the past.

 

But then doubts about that claim surfaced.

 

Early in August, a Facebook post written by fashion publicist Lauren London began to ricochet around industry circles about a more recent event allegedly involving Galliano. London described an encounter she said she had with the designer in 2019 at the luxury Henri Chenot spa, an alcohol-free wellness retreat in Italy. She wrote that her friend had been speaking in Hebrew on her cellphone, when Galliano overheard her and began screaming, “Merry Christmas!”

 

“When my friend asked him if he had a problem with Hebrew he promptly and very unapologetically responded that he did,” London wrote in the post. “She then told him that she had a lot of his clothes and when she got back to her home in Israel she would dispose of them. He told her to please do.”

 

Still, even as the Facebook post gained traction, allies of Wintour were unmoved.

 

“I have no opinion about Facebook posts,” said Andrew Solomon, a member of the Met’s executive committee who spoke to The Times after the post surfaced last month. “I think they’re frequently made up, or exaggerated, or incoherent, and I have no idea what the truth is or is not behind that.”

 

Galliano later denied through a spokesman that the incident at the spa took place. But London’s friend who made the call, and her daughter, backed up her account.

 

Around the same time London wrote her post, Arne Glimcher, an art world titan, sent an email to David Breslin, a Met curator, and Max Hollein, who as the Met’s director had given final approval to the Galliano exhibition.

 

“I don’t think you have considered the cost of this action and its reverberations to come,” Glimcher wrote. He added that he and his wife were “seriously reconsidering other works that have been earmarked from our collection to the Met in our wills.”

 

It is not clear how Hollein responded, but his ties to Wintour were deep. And, as far as he understood, the museum had taken steps to head off just this kind of negative reaction. In the spring, Wintour and Andrew Bolton, the curator in charge of the Costume Institute, had arranged private meetings between Galliano and Jewish leaders. Most of those leaders came away saying they found him remorseful for his past actions. They were also assured that the exhibition would deal frankly with his hateful statements.

 

The Jewish leaders made their support public when the show was announced. But the full board of the Met was never consulted, leaving many feeling that there had not been sufficient deliberation about the appropriateness of the museum’s choice.

 

“I thought it was insane,” Tisch said.

 

Climate of Fear

On Aug. 14, a man entered Central Synagogue in Manhattan and attacked a congregant and a security guard during Shabbat services, rattling the city. The violence hit especially hard for many of the museum’s benefactors, who are congregants there. And it occurred as hate crime against Jews in New York continued to rise, representing the majority of all such crimes in the city.

 

Those already jolted by the Met’s decision to honor Galliano began to worry that the exhibit would serve to normalize antisemitism inside one of New York’s most hallowed spaces.

 

No longer was the fashion discussion occurring in a vacuum, but in an increasingly tense New York. As the days ticked by, city officials including Menin and City Comptroller Mark Levine, were growing fed up with the Met leaders’ failure to respond to their concerns. On Aug. 26, Menin wrote a letter of protest, on official city stationery.

 

“Our cultural institutions, particularly those that receive funding from the City of New York, have a responsibility to demonstrate that hatred and bigotry carry consequences,” Menin wrote to Wintour, Hollein and Bolton.

 

Two days later, Tisch fired off a message of her own to Hollein. In it, she described the plan for the exhibit as a “whitewash” of a “known” antisemite.

 

The exhibition, she went on to say, “bespeaks a failure of governance as it seems you are unduly influenced and directed by a corporate donor and commercial enterprise, and mining it all for financial gain.”

 

When Tisch didn’t hear back, she forwarded her email to people she knew on the board: Samantha Boardman, Daniel Brodsky, Dasha Zhukova Niarchos, Blair Effron — “anyone whose email address I happened to have,” she recalled.

 

(Board members interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity, because the museum’s leadership has been reprimanding trustees for sharing their concerns with the news media.)

 

On Friday, The Times published an article describing the intensifying backlash. Social media lit up with more criticism. A sense of crisis took hold inside the Met, even as the show’s key players were scattered around the globe — Hollein in his native Austria, Bolton in Lake Como, Galliano in his Paris studio.

 

The Met called an executive committee meeting for 8 a.m. on Monday, with a video conference of the entire board scheduled for 4 p.m.

 

But before they even met, Hollein, Bolton and Wintour agreed to a plan with Galliano: He would say publicly that he had asked the museum to suspend plans for the show.

 

At 8:45 a.m. Monday, he put out a statement on social media: “After much reflection and discussion with all those involved, I have decided, with great sadness, that it is best for the exhibition not to take place at this time,” he wrote.

 

“I do not want the debate surrounding me to place the Met in a difficult position or distract from the remarkable work of the Costume Institute,” he continued. “I also recognize and respect that an exhibition honoring my work would be painful for some.”

 

Almost 100,000 comments poured in, many praising Galliano and calling the outcome unfair, others denouncing the Met and Wintour for abandoning the show.

 

Back in New York, recriminations began. The afternoon meeting of the full Met board took place as scheduled over Zoom. It began with board leadership scolding members for talking to the news media, according to participants. When other members asked why they had not been consulted early on, they were told that the full board could not be included on every decision.

 

Hollein spoke of Galliano’s talent and the Met’s decision-making process. Wintour, who was also present on the video call, remained silent.

 

But that day, Vogue published an article about the canceled exhibition. The story did not detail the concerns about antisemitism, but it said the plan to honor Galliano had been met with “mixed reactions.”

 

Quoted in the article, Wintour praised Galliano as “the premiere couturier of his generation.” She also described the show not as canceled, but only “postponed.”

 

Jacob Bernstein reports on power and privilege for the Style section of The Times.

 

Vanessa Friedman has been the fashion director and chief fashion critic for The Times since 2014.

 

Dana Rubinstein covers New York City politics and government for The Times.

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Steve Laws resigns from Restore – will the nazi faction follow him?

 


Steve Laws resigns from Restore – will the nazi faction follow him?

 

Prominent neo-nazi activist Steve Laws has quit Restore Britain amid an escalating confrontation between Rupert Lowe’s conservative supporters and the party’s ethnonationalist faction

29 August 2026

|

Paul Gale

Reports

https://searchlightmagazine.com/2026/08/steve-laws-resigns-from-restore-will-the-nazi-faction-follow-him/

 

Steve Laws

Steve Laws speaks at rally of Patriotic Alternative in Nuneaton this year

Well, that didn’t take long. Yesterday we wrote that the feud between Restore’s nazi faction and its conservative wing was erupting into open warfare. And today, the nazi group’s leader Steve Laws, has announced that he is resigning from the party.

Laws posted this afternoon that after “the last few weeks of horrendous decisions and refusal to defend the membership”, he was “officially resigning from the party”.

“It has been one failure after another and at this stage it’s just a humiliation ritual,” he added.

Steve Laws announces he’s quitting Restore

Laws is the leading figure in the hardline faction, repeatedly attacking Restore figures whom he regarded as insufficiently committed to ethnic nationalism.

Public clash

Recently he clashed publicly with Howard Cox, the former Reform and Advance UK figure whom Lowe appointed as Restore’s transport spokesman.

Laws demanded that Cox leave the party, telling him that “none of the membership wants you involved” and threatening to ensure that he was never elected under the Restore banner.

He subsequently accused Lowe of “terrible fucking leadership”.

The immediate trigger for the latest crisis was a speech by Restore spokeswoman Orla Minihane in which she said that girls from Indian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Somali and other minority backgrounds also needed protection from sexual exploitation.

Furious reactions

The remarks provoked furious reactions from Restore’s neo-Nazi faction. Sam “Zoomer Historian” Wilkes, a Holocaust-denying antisemite, described Minihane’s comments as “abysmal horror coal”.

Steve Laws resigns fromr Restore

Sam ‘Zoomer’ Wilkes won’t be leaving. Yet…

Wilkes, however, has posted that while he understands why Laws has quit, he won’t be leaving himself. Restore is the only thing they have at the moment, he argues.

How long he will cling to that view remains to be seen.

The other member of the nazi triad – Cal Barker – has yet to declare his intentions.

Laws’ resignation therefore represents a key moment in the battle over Restore’s political direction.

Driving early support

He was among the far-right activists who helped drive support for Lowe when Restore was established. They believed they had secured influence at the top of the party, despite Lowe’s attempts to present a more respectable public face and his explicit rejection of ethnonationalism.

As Searchlight reported yesterday, Laws and his allies have been discussing whether to turn Remigration Now into a more independent organisation, potentially providing the nucleus of another far-right political project.

Author:

Paul Gale is a senior Searchlight researcher

 

Steve Laws Quits, Charlie Downes Next? Inside Restore Britain's Growing Revolt


Talking With Giorgia Meloni

 


Newsletter

The World

 

Talking With Giorgia Meloni

In an interview, Italy’s hard-right leader reveals how pragmatism is reshaping her vision for Europe.

Katrin Bennhold

By Katrin Bennhold

I’m the host of The World.

Published Sept. 1, 2026Updated Sept. 2, 2026, 12:18 a.m. ET

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/01/world/giorgia-meloni-interview-bonds-iran.html

 

The far right is on the march. And in Europe, the birthplace of fascism, that has sparked big questions about what it means — for democracy, for the European Union — when far-right leaders actually govern.

Far-right parties are leading the polls in Germany and France. Would they moderate once in power? Not necessarily. In Poland and Hungary, hard-right populist governments meaningfully chipped away at the rule of law.

But one intriguing counterexample is Giorgia Meloni. Italy’s prime minister was the first far-right leader to take power in a founding member state of the E.U. She hasn’t rigged any courts or deployed the Italian navy to block immigrant boats. And rather than working to extract Italy from the E.U., she says she wants to change it from within. Today my colleague Roger Cohen, who recently sat down for a rare interview with Meloni, writes about what that might look like.

ImageA portrait of Giorgia Meloni.

Giorgia Meloni in Rome last month.Credit...Davide Monteleone for The New York Times

A post-Fascist pragmatist

By Roger Cohen

Giorgia Meloni, the Italian prime minister, has a vision.

Once, it was extracting Italy from the euro and the grip of the “usurers” of the European Central Bank in order to steer her country toward a far-right nationalist future. But that was before power tempered her. Now rather than turning her back on Europe, she wants Italy to lead it.

When I spoke to Meloni recently, she talked little of a sluggish economy, but a lot about an Italy that “does not run after others.” “I don’t like the idea of a submissive Italy,” she told me. She wants her country, the world’s eighth-largest economy, pivotally placed in the Mediterranean as the importance of Africa grows, to be “a protagonist — and one that can benefit all of Europe.”

(Read Roger’s interview with Meloni and takeaways.)

Italy has found a long-elusive stability under her leadership. With President Emmanuel Macron of France departing next year, Meloni, who this week becomes the longest continually serving postwar prime minister of Italy, could emerge as the doyenne of European politics, a role once played by former Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany. Of course, Merkel welcomed refugees; Meloni does not.

As she has journeyed from post-Fascist roots to a pivotal place in European politics, Meloni has remained something of an enigma. In our interview, she described Mussolini’s rule, which she considered an inspiration in her youth, as a “particularly complex” time, even if the catastrophe of Il Duce’s dictatorship and his alliance with Hitler was clear enough by 1945.

Her ambivalence over horrific history does not appear to affect her approach to the present, which is pragmatic.

Image

A large crowd near a banner with a smiling Giorgia Meloni. Red, white, green balloons float above.

Meloni’s supporters at a rally in Rome in 2022.Credit...Gianni Cipriano for The New York Times

Meloni could offer an indication of where Europe is heading. Marine Le Pen, of the once-outcast French far right, is the front-runner in next year’s presidential election; the hard-right AfD is leading polls in Germany. The countries at the very core of postwar European integration would then be tested in their fundamental orientation.

Such a scenario once promised the end of the E.U. But Meloni’s time in office suggests that, once in power, priorities can shift as ideology is cast aside.

Immigration and Donald Trump

Like all of Europe’s far-right leaders, Meloni’s appeal has been based in part on her stance on immigration. During her election campaign, she warned of “ethnic replacement,” and relentlessly associated migrants with violence. In office, however, her approach shifted.

When she came to power in 2022, the E.U’s immigration policy centered on finding means to “spread the burden” — essentially distributing migrants across member states rather than reducing their flow. That has changed, due in part to Meloni, who led the E.U. in a hard line against asylum seekers and illegal migrants, attempting to offshore their processing, a procedure that now has European support.

She has also, however, pushed the continent to see Africa as a land of potential rather than problems. Under a plan adopted in 2024, Italy has invested heavily in 18 African countries, from Tunisia to Mozambique, in fields including energy, water, health and agriculture. In Algeria alone, close to 90,000 acres of desert were planted with corn.

The idea has been not only to encourage would-be migrants to stay home by increasing economic opportunity but also to build a strategic bridge with Africa. Her top diplomatic adviser, Fabrizio Saggio, pointed out that Italy secures the bulk of its critical minerals from China, which in turn has imported much of them from Africa — “and Sicily is 190 miles from Tunisia, so does that make any sense?”

Meloni’s impact on E.U. policy in this area has been significant, an example of Italy having “force, weight and capacity,” as she put it.

That does not stop her using immigration as a means to provide red meat for her base, as in a recent outburst addressing the flow of migrants into Ceuta, a Spanish enclave on the Moroccan coast.

Nor does it stop her from quietly authorizing more than 450,000 visas for migrants to work in Italy’s fields and factories and to look after Europe’s oldest population. For Meloni, ideology is malleable, often ceding to realism.

With President Trump, an ideological ally, she thought this flexibility would pay dividends. She aimed to build on their shared nationalism and hostility to immigration, and also to ensure that the Western alliance remained functional.

Image

Giorgia Meloni in a white suit sits across from Donald Trump in a blue suit and red tie.

Giorgia Meloni with Trump in the Oval Office in April 2025.Credit...Eric Lee/The New York Times

But in the face of provocations from the White House — an attack on Pope Leo; a Trump story that Meloni “begged” him for a photograph together — Meloni snapped: “Italy and I never beg.”

She’d thought the relationship with Trump would be “easier,” she told me. But their shared values were eclipsed by Meloni’s single biggest foreign-policy objective: to overcome Italy’s longtime status as the least of the major powers.

She hasn’t spoken to Trump in several weeks and was unsure when they would.

The future of Europe

Overall, her four years (and counting) in power suggest that, rather than the undoing of the E.U., as far-right parties like Meloni’s once threatened, something else may emerge: a Europe of nationalist rhetoric, ever harsher anti-immigrant measures, and a looser rather than more federal structure, but also one guided by realism.

The E.U. has been perhaps the greatest peacemaking creation of the second half of the 20th century. That is too easily and too often forgotten. But the far right’s hostility to “ever closer union” does not in itself mean the end of union. As Meloni has learned, to govern is to adjust.