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Israel’s President Holds Crucial Cards in Breaking Post-Election Deadlock
News
Analysis
Israel’s
President Holds Crucial Cards in Breaking Post-Election Deadlock
President
Isaac Herzog has tried to avoid controversy and heal rifts in his largely
ceremonial role. But his skills as a savvy mediator could be instrumental after
an inconclusive election.

President
Isaac Herzog may push for a broad, unity government after the fractious
election, analysts say.Credit...Bernadett Szabo/Reuters
Reporting
from Jerusalem
Nov. 4,
2026Updated 8:18 a.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/11/04/world/middleeast/israel-president-herzog-election-government.html
For five
years, Isaac Herzog has tried to avoid controversy and heal rifts in his
largely ceremonial role as the president of Israel. Now, following last week’s
inconclusive election, he must make a decision that is likely to roil one half
or the other of a fractured country.
One of
the president’s few powers is the ability to grant a party leader the mandate
to try and form a government. Typically, this is assigned to the head of
the party that has won the most votes or appears to have the best chance of
building a coalition that would command a majority in Parliament. But the law
is vague, giving the president a lot of leeway
over the process.
Mr.
Herzog, the scion of an illustrious Israeli family who is expected to remain
involved in the backroom talks throughout the process, will have to draw on his
skills as a savvy negotiator and mediator — expertise he honed over his years
as a lawyer and politician, including as leader of the center-left Labor party.
After
working in law, he served as a government secretary under Prime Minister Ehud
Barak and as a minister in multiple governments. He ran
a credible but unsuccessful campaign to replace Mr. Netanyahu in the 2015
election and went on to lead the Jewish Agency, an organization that serves as
a bridge between Israel and the Jewish diaspora.
A
longtime advocate of national unity, he will most likely work to enable as
broad a government as possible, analysts say, to try to get Israel out of what
many call the political “plonter,” a Yiddish word to describe a mess, like an
intricate knot that is hard to unravel.
“This is
his big moment,” Nachman Shai, a former Labor minister and lawmaker, said of
Mr. Herzog. “He is a polished, creative politician,” he added. “Not everyone
will like his ideas, but I’m sure he will be looking for solutions to build a
coalition that are out of the box.”
Starting
on Wednesday, representatives of the 11 political parties elected to the new
Parliament will troop
through the presidential residence in a leafy neighborhood of Jerusalem to
consult with Mr. Herzog and to recommend their candidate for the premiership.
Most
party leaders are expected to back either Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the longtime right-wing leader, or his main
center-right rival, Gadi Eisenkot, a former military chief.
Party
ideologyRightFar rightUltra-OrthodoxCenter-rightIndependent rightLeftArab
- Netanyahu’s current bloc: Likud,
Jewish Power, United Torah Judaism, Shas, Religious Zionism. 53 seats.
- Jewish opposition bloc: Yashar,
Together, Democrats, Yisrael Beiteinu. 48 seats.
- Arab parties: Joint List, Raam.
19 seats.
Note:
Parties must win at least 3.25 percent of the national vote to enter the
120-seat Knesset.
Source:
Israel’s Central Elections Committee
Neither
man’s political bloc won an outright majority of 61 seats in the 120-member
Parliament. Mr. Netanyahu’s Likud took 27 seats, making it the largest party,
but his hard-right, religious coalition’s tally fell to 53 seats.
Mr.
Eisenkot’s main bloc of Jewish opposition parties secured 48 seats. If the
Arab-led parties that oppose Mr. Netanyahu and won 19 seats also recommend him
to Mr. Herzog, the president may well grant him the first opportunity to try
and form a government. Some of Mr. Eisenkot’s Jewish allies, however, have
balked at the idea of a government relying
on Arab support.
Mr.
Herzog cannot take political sides and must remain a unifying figurehead above
the fray. He has called for a “stable” government without specifying how it
should be formed and has called on the parties’ representatives to consult with
him with open minds and hearts.
The law
allows the assigned candidate 28 days to try to form a government, though the
president can extend that period by up to 14 days. If the first attempt fails,
the president can give another candidate a chance or refer the efforts to
Parliament. If no party leader is able to form a governing coalition, new
elections would be held — an outcome that Mr. Herzog has urged them to avoid.
The kind
of broad unity government that Mr. Herzog may envisage would likely require
some kind of power-sharing deal between Mr. Netanyahu and Mr. Eisenkot — a
prospect that faces huge obstacles.
Image

Mr.
Herzog may give Gadi Eisenkot, a former military chief, the first opportunity
to try and form a government because his alliance won the most votes.
Credit...Amir Levy/Getty Images
Mr.
Eisenkot says that Mr. Netanyahu must be replaced and has ruled out serving
under him. Mr. Netanyahu, who has been on trial for six years following
corruption charges in three
separate but interlocking cases, cannot serve in a government as a
minister. According to Israeli law, only a prime minister can serve under
indictment.
Mr.
Herzog has a potentially valuable, if highly contentious, card to play to try
to bring Mr. Netanyahu on side with a unifying coalition, analysts say.
The
president has the authority to issue pardons, generally for people already
convicted of crimes. Mr. Netanyahu, who has denied any wrongdoing, submitted a
pre-emptive request for a pardon during his trial a year ago.
Mr.
Herzog has instead offered to try to initiate a
mediation process to reach a plea deal and invited the attorney general and
Mr. Netanyahu’s lawyer for talks. Mr. Netanyahu’s team never replied.
“A pardon
can be part of a package deal,” Mr. Shai said. “It could be a way for Mr.
Herzog to come to a compromise with him. Everyone is tired of the trial by now,
and nobody knows how it will end.”
“Herzog
is energetic, super active, primed for action,” he said. “People forget he is
one of the most experienced people around,” he added.
Mitchell
Barak, an analyst who worked as an aide to Mr. Netanyahu and later for
President Shimon Peres, a former Labor leader, said Mr. Herzog’s history with
the prime minister and the “ace” of a potential pardon could be viewed either
as a conflict of interest in negotiations or as an advantage.
“He is
holding a get-out-of-jail-free card for Netanyahu,” Mr. Barak added. “Or you
could call it leverage,” he added.
The
president’s office dismissed suggestions of a conflict of interest, saying the
pardon and the efforts toward forming a government were two different tracks
based on separate laws.
As
president, Mr. Herzog oversaw
negotiations that tried, and failed, to reach a compromise over the
Netanyahu government’s plans for a judicial overhaul that caused turmoil in
Israel. Mr. Shai said many Israelis had expected Mr. Herzog to take a stronger
stand against the government’s moves and that the episode harmed his public
standing.
Image

Mr.
Herzog could encourage Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to form a unity
government with Mr. EisenkotCredit...Chris Mcgrath/Getty Images
Mr.
Herzog also appears to have tried to build confidence on both sides of Israel’s
political divide.
He has spoken
out against what he called “a terrible process of brutalization” creeping
into Israeli society, citing a surge of “mob” violence by Jews against
Palestinians in the occupied West Bank and the abuse of detainees in Israeli
custody.
Mr.
Herzog also recently expunged
the criminal record of Elor Azaria, a former soldier who fatally shot a
severely wounded Palestinian man at close range while he lay on the ground a
decade ago. The man had earlier been seriously injured after he attacked an
Israeli checkpoint. The president’s move baffled and angered many liberal
Israelis but fulfilled a long-sought demand from Israel’s right.
Mr.
Herzog also has his family legacy and reputation to consider. His grandfather,
Rabbi Dr. Yitzhak Isaac Halevi Herzog, was the first Chief Rabbi of the state
of Israel. His father, Chaim Herzog, served as the sixth president of Israel.
After the
1984 election, when Mr. Peres and Yitzhak Shamir, then the Likud leader, were
in a deadlock, Mr. Herzog’s father played an active role in promoting the
formation of a unity government, resolving the political impasse.
Mr.
Herzog “is part of the country’s old guard and political elite with a storied
tradition of excellence,” said Mr. Barak. “There’s a certain responsibility
that comes with that.”
Isabel Kershner, a senior
correspondent for The Times in Jerusalem, has been reporting on Israeli and
Palestinian affairs since 1990.
The midterms were a thumping rebuke of the US-Israel relationship
The
midterms were a thumping rebuke of the US-Israel relationship
Even
Trump seems to recognize that the relationship has become a political
liability, and may never be the same
Wed 4 Nov
2026 19.22 GMT
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/nov/04/israel-relationship-midterm-elections
On the
eve of a midterm election that ended in an unequivocal rejection of his brand
of politics, even Donald
Trump seemed to recognize that the US-Israel relationship had become a
political liability.
Trump’s
11th-hour suggestion, on election morning, that
he would cut military aid to Israel at the end of the year because, as he
put it, “they don’t need it”, was condemned across the board – with pro-Palestinian
advocates dismissing it as “desperate” and pro-Israel
ones as “unserious”.
Trump’s
suggestion that he would replace nearly $4bn in annual military aid with arms
sales signaled little would change in practice – the funding would continue and
it would be harder to track. But it was still a notable recognition by the
president of just how much support for Israel has tanked
against the backdrop of the latest war in Gaza, which has killed more than
70,000 Palestinians, been widely been described as a genocide, and reshaped US
politics in ways unthinkable just three years ago.
Indeed, come
January, the US House will include an army doctor who went on a medical mission
in Gaza, a lawyer who was
fired by her firm over a blogpost criticizing Israel’s war, a Jewish
lawmaker who was recently detained by Israeli forces while helping
Palestinians harvest olives in the occupied West Bank, and a community
organizer who participated in a pro-Palestine
student encampment and scored one of the primary season’s most stunning
upsets under the banner “babies, not bombs”.
Pro-Palestinian
candidates – including Palestinian-American ones – have won downballot races.
And in Michigan, Abdul
El-Sayed became the first Muslim to be elected to the US Senate, following
a campaign that saw more than $40m spent by Aipac in an effort to defeat him, last-minute
drama, and unprecedented levels of Islamophobic rhetoric and bigotry.
“The old
bipartisan consensus on Israel
is over,” Beth Miller, political director of Jewish Voice for Peace Action,
said. Without that consensus in place, the next Congress could push a number of
measures, from an arms embargo on Israel to sanctions against violent settlers
and officials – though Trump would retain veto power to block them.
The vote
was also a rejection of Trump’s war in Iran – something even JD Vance said on
Wednesday was “obvious
to almost everyone”. Foreign policy issues rarely determine US elections –
that is, until those issues have a direct effect on Americans’ lives at home.
“Americans
were reminded of the failures of the Iran war with every visit to the gas
station and grocery store,” said Yousef Munayyer, head of the Palestine/Israel
Program at the Arab Center Washington DC. “Israel is a central piece of that
story.”
Across
the country, and up and down the ballot, unabashedly pro-Palestinian candidates
defeated pro-Israel ones despite groups like Aipac pouring tens of millions of
dollars into a failed attempt to reverse Israel’s collapsing standing among US
voters. Last month, Aipac acknowledged its open support was hurting pro-Israel
candidates more than it helped them, and announced it would stop making direct
endorsements and contributions – a remarkable
admission even if one with little practical consequence.
The
victories of El-Sayed and several other candidates whom the right sought to
cast as antisemitic over their support for Palestinians also marked a
significant rejection of the narrative that pro-Israel voices and the Trump
administration have relentlessly advanced over the last three years – that
criticism of Israel is, by default, antisemitic.
“They try
to call you hateful if you believe that Palestinian kids should get to grow up
in the land of their forefathers without being murdered by our tax dollars,”
El-Sayed, who has continued to speak plainly about his support for Palestinians
despite coming under enormous pressure over it, said during his acceptance
speech. “If you believe in equal rights to peace, dignity, and self
determination, that’s not hate, it’s love.”
In
Michigan, El-Sayed won a majority
of Jewish voters, according to exit polls. Despite warnings that Jews would
leave the Democratic party en masse over its shifts on Israel, J Street said
its polling found that 72% of Jews voted for Democrats on Tuesday, even though
the Republican party increased
its share of the Jewish vote since 2024..
This does
not mean that the Democratic party is unified on Israel and Palestine and or in
opposition to foreign wars.
For
decades, the party has “excluded or marginalized anyone whose progressive
values extend to support for Palestine”, Lara Friedman, the president of the
Foundation for Middle East Peace, said. “American voters, organizers, and a
cohort of enormously talented candidates came together and kicked the door
down.”
Matt
Duss, executive vice-president of the Center for International Policy and a
former foreign policy aide to Senator Bernie Sanders, said that the Democrats now must
seize the opportunity to become the party opposed to war.
“Trump
ran and won as an anti-war candidate in 2024, because unfortunately Democrats
left that lane wide open for him,” he said. “The question is: will Democrats
finally get it? Will they finally realize that Americans are tired of war and
want a new foreign policy?”


