sexta-feira, 3 de julho de 2026

January 22, 2026: For Europe’s far right, Trump has become a liability

 



For Europe’s far right, Trump has become a liability

 

The U.S. president’s threats over Greenland have spurred national leaders to distance themselves from a figure they once praised.

 

January 22, 2026 4:00 am CET

By Marion Solletty and Max Griera

https://www.politico.eu/article/europe-far-right-donald-trump-liability/

 

PARIS — European populist champions are turning away from a U.S. president they once openly admired. 

 

As Donald Trump escalates his attacks on the continent, his scorched-earth approach to transatlantic relations is becoming a political liability — even for leaders who previously benefited from their association with him. 

 

For the right-wing and far-right movements in Europe, Donald Trump’s “Make America Great Again” movement offered validation from the other side of the Atlantic for similar populist movements back home — until its leader started threatening the invasion of a European territory.

 

While on Wednesday Trump backtracked on his administration’s threats, saying he will not take Greenland by force and would suspend his tariff threats, powerful right-wing figures in the continent’s capitals and core EU institutions have already shifted their narrative to adapt to the transatlantic hostility, mimicking the centrist leaders they loathe and dialing up the rhetoric against American imperialism.

 

“I think we should be honest,” said Nicola Procaccini, the leader of the right-wing European Conservatives and Reformists group in the European Parliament, who is also Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s right-hand man in the chamber. “When Trump is wrong, we should say he’s wrong, when he’s right, we should say he is right.”

 

Jordan Bardella, president of France’s far-right National Rally, and Nigel Farage, the populist leader of Reform UK, condemned Trump’s escalating threats over Greenland and his use of tariffs as coercive leverage against the very countries they hope to govern. Both are wary of appearing too close to a figure increasingly viewed by public opinion, including their voters, as a hostile force.  

 

Trump’s aggressive push on Greenland “goes way beyond a diplomatic disagreement,” Bardella said in the European Parliament on Tuesday, describing the U.S. president’s tariff threats as “blackmail” and accusing him of attempting the “vassalization” of Europe.

 

In the same address he called on the EU to activate its so-called trade bazooka, also known as the anti-coercion instrument, aligning with the position of his rival, President Emmanuel Macron. That puts Bardella at odds with a leader to whom he has long felt an affinity: Meloni, whose government is still advocating a let’s-keep-calm-and-negotiate approach.

 

Even the far-right Alternative for Germany, which once openly embraced support from the Trump administration, is scrambling to recalibrate.

 

Wannabes vs. incumbents

Populist leaders in office are proceeding cautiously, well aware of the risk of alienating a powerful but unpredictable ally. 

 

Italy’s Meloni, whose status as a Trump whisperer has raised her international profile, has so far refrained from directly criticizing the U.S. president’s offensive on Europe’s sovereignty.

 

As Trump announced he would slap punitive tariffs on NATO allies that have opposed his move on Greenland, he noticeably spared Italy, which has criticized European troop deployments to the Arctic territory.

 

Similarly, speaking from Davos, Poland’s President Karol Nawrocki, a Trump stalwart, said the U.S. remained his country’s “very important ally.” But even he balked at one of the U.S. president’s recent initiatives, with one of his aides expressing concerns about the inclusion of Russian President Vladimir Putin in the U.S.-led “Board of Peace.”

 

In the European Parliament, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s troops continue to seek close ties with Trump and are downplaying the annexation threats, arguing that Greenland is an issue solely between Denmark and the United States.

 

“With President Donald Trump comes peace,” Orbán said three days ago on X.

 

By contrast, far-right figures who still are aiming for higher office have adjusted their rhetoric.

 

In France, the National Rally has always been cautious in its approach to Trump, trying to maintain a healthy distance. But Bardella himself had flattering words for the U.S. president as recently as last month, when he said in a BBC interview that Trump was an example of the “wind of freedom, of national pride blowing all over Western democracies.”

 

In the same interview, Bardella gave a hat tip to Trump’s successes at home and “welcomed with a certain goodwill” the moral support offered to nationalist European parties in Trump’s National Security Strategy, a bombshell policy paper widely received as another nail in the coffin of the traditional world order.

 

End of a bromance

In the U.K., Farage can claim to be a longtime friend of Trump, having campaigned for him during his 2016 presidential run and later being welcomed to Trump Tower as his personal guest. 

 

But this week the populist leader opened up clear blue water between himself and the U.S. president by saying Trump’s Greenland threats represent the “biggest fracture” in the transatlantic relationship since the Suez crisis of 1956.

 

The Reform leader, who is scenting real power ahead of the next general election, is well known for being attuned to public opinion — which remains pretty hostile toward the U.S. president.

 

Trump was unpopular in Europe even before the Greenland offensive, including among the supporters of right-wing populist parties he sees as allies, according to a POLITICO Poll in partnership with Public First conducted in November.

 

Farage supporters were the exception, but even so, only 50 percent of Reform-aligned respondents had favorable views of Trump. 

 

Public distance vs. private embrace

France’s Marine Le Pen has long warned her troops against embracing Trump too loudly.

 

While the American president is ideologically close to her National Rally on some subjects, first among them migration, Trump’s interference in domestic politics has ruffled the far-right veteran’s feathers.

 

After U.S. Vice President JD Vance’s fiery speech at the Munich Security Conference last year, where he criticized longstanding policies by centrist parties against collaboration with the far right, she warned her troops against cheering the apparent win for their camp.

 

Still, the party’s leading figures have also looked at Trump for inspiration and sought to emulate some of his movement’s successes.

 

Last September, her former partner and National Rally Vice President Louis Aliot, who traveled to the U.S. for Trump’s inauguration, gave a passionate speech on democracy and freedom of speech at the party’s back-to-school meeting in Bordeaux, paying tribute to slain U.S. conservative influencer Charlie Kirk — a name virtually no one in France’s heartland had heard of before his assassination. He elicited roars from the crowd.

 

Now, far-right politicians may legitimately fear that invoking Trump will earn them boos instead of claps.

 

Esther Webber contributed reporting from London. Ketrin Jochecová contributed reporting from Brussels.



Trump spent a decade making friends in Europe. Now they’re turning away.

 



Trump spent a decade making friends in Europe. Now they’re turning away.

 

From Italy to France, nationalist leaders are reassessing their ties with the U.S. president as his brand sours across the EU.

 

June 23, 2026 4:02 am CET

By Marion Solletty

https://www.politico.eu/article/donald-trump-giorgia-meloni-jordan-bardella-europe-turning-away/

 

PARIS — For Europe’s populist right, U.S. President Donald Trump’s embrace was once seen as a political asset. Not anymore.

 

For years, nationalist leaders across the continent treated the American president’s support as proof that their politics had gone global. But with major elections looming in 2027, including in Italy, France and Poland, many are rethinking the value of that transatlantic backing.

 

Trump’s brand in Europe has soured — curdled by his tariff wars, threats against Greenland and a war on Iran that increased energy prices. His interventions, once welcomed by his ideological allies, are now seen as political explosives: liable to alienate moderate voters, split nationalist electorates and hand ammunition to their opponents.

 

A case in point is Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, once seen as the U.S. president’s most prominent ally in Europe. After Trump claimed she had “begged” for a photo with him at the G7 summit last week, Meloni gave voice to what polls have been saying for months.

 

Brushing off a social media post in which Trump said she was “doing poorly in Italy with her level of popularity,” the prime minister retorted: “Being your friend certainly has not helped it.”

 

“In any case, my popularity is none of your concern,” she added. “I suggest you focus on yours.”

 

In France, Jordan Bardella — head of the far-right National Rally party and a presidential front-runner — is making the same calculation. In an interview with POLITICO last week, he firmly rejected Trump’s backing and described the U.S. president’s behavior as “erratic.”

 

Even as the Trump administration’s leading figures have thrown their weight behind Europe’s nationalist parties, the U.S. president’s embrace has become a “poisoned gift,” said Jean-Yves Dormagen, president of the Cluster17 polling institute.

 

“Trump is really creating a problem for these leaders,” he stated. While their electorates are divided over Trump, they increasingly see him as a threat, he added.

 

A January survey conducted by Cluster17 in seven EU countries showed that while right-wing voters had a higher opinion of Trump than the general population, only a minority of them saw him as “a friend of Europe” — 18 percent among Bardella’s National Rally voters, 23 percent among Meloni’s Brothers of Italy voters and 25 percent among supporters of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD).

 

In a POLITICO poll conducted by Public First in June, only 31 percent of AfD voters and 36 percent of National Rally voters agreed that the U.S. is “a reliable ally.”

 

In the U.K., Trump has become a liability for Nigel Farage’s right-wing populist Reform UK party, especially among swing voters. That is also true in France, where the U.S. president is unpopular among the center-right voters the National Rally is trying to win over, said Dormagen.

 

What makes the backlash especially awkward for Washington is that the politicians edging away from Trump are precisely the ones his administration has been seeking to court.

 

In its National Security Strategy published last year, the White House applauded “the growing influence of patriotic European parties.”

 

In the months that followed, the administration backed that rhetoric with high-profile public endorsements and behind-the-scenes outreach to the very movements now calculating that Trump might cost them votes.

 

In one of the most high-profile examples, U.S. Vice President JD Vance traveled to Hungary to support former Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in his reelection bid in April, saying this was “the right thing to do.”

 

But after the Hungarian leader’s 16-year rule ended in a crushing defeat, most far-right leaders eyeing next year’s top political prizes are either reconsidering their stance on Trump or fully reversing it.

 

In a response to a request for comment, a White House official pointed to a passage in the National Security, which says that “America encourages its political allies in Europe” who stand for “unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and history.”

 

End of a political romance

The shift is especially notable in Italy and Germany, where the far-right has historically been very welcoming to the U.S. president.

 

Meloni was one of the first European leaders to congratulate Trump on his 2024 reelection. And when he kicked off a transatlantic trade war, she was quick to cast herself as a potential bridge between a terrified Europe and the guns-blazing president.

 

Their relationship was initially full of spark. At a White House meeting last April, Trump called her a “very special person” and accepted an invitation to Rome (he never went). Fast-forward to today, and the two are now publicly trading barbs after Meloni refused to let U.S. warplanes taking part in the Iran war use Italy’s military bases.

 

Meanwhile, in Germany, the Iran war has aggravated a crisis of confidence between Trump and the far right, which had already been building before the conflict. This spring, AfD leaders urged party officials to scale back trips to the U.S. ahead of key regional elections.

 

Still, not all of Europe’s right-wing leaders are publicly rethinking the relationship.

 

Poland’s right-wing populist Law and Justice party is still cultivating ties with Trump. Warsaw, which is headed for a parliamentary election next year, is a close political and military ally for the U.S., and it’s one of Europe’s largest buyers of American weapons for its fast-growing armed forces.

 

President Karol Nawrocki, who is backed by Law and Justice, is seeking to leverage his connections with Trump as he battles Prime Minister Donald Tusk, who holds the country’s most powerful office.

 

For Law and Justice, it is “more beneficial than risky to be on very good terms with Donald Trump for many reasons,” said Wojciech Szacki, head of the political desk at the Polityka Insight think tank. “It gives them some leverage in internal politics because the president of Poland is the only person who has access to the White House right now.”

 

At a press conference in Warsaw on Friday, Law and Justice leader Jarosław Kaczyński praised Nawrocki’s “excellent relations with the American president” and hailed the alleged “success” of a Polish bid to get a permanent U.S. military base.

 

“A majority of Poles still think that what makes us safe is the presence of American soldiers in Poland,” said Szacki.

 

In the Cluster17 poll, 17 percent of all Polish respondents said Trump was “a friend of Europe” — the highest percentage among the seven EU countries polled.

 

NOTE: The Public First poll was conducted from Jun. 14 to Jun. 17, surveying more than 2,000 respondents each from U.S., Canada, U.K., France, Spain and Germany, and has an overall margin of error of ±2 percentage points. Smaller subgroups have higher margins of error.

 

UPDATE: This article was updated on June 23 with comments from the White House.

Denmark Has a Big Fourth of July Party. This Year, the U.S. Is Uninvited.

 



Denmark Has a Big Fourth of July Party. This Year, the U.S. Is Uninvited.

 

Furious at President Trump over Greenland, Danish officials took the unprecedented step of pressuring organizers to cut American officials from the program.

 

By Jeffrey Gettleman and Maya Tekeli

Jeffrey Gettleman and Maya Tekeli visited the party grounds in Rebild, Denmark, to report this story.

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/03/world/europe/denmark-fourth-of-july-trump-us.html

July 3, 2026, 12:01 a.m. ET

 

Every year for the past century, in the green hills of rural Denmark, thousands of Americans and Danes come together to celebrate the Fourth of July.

 

The gathering is billed as the largest Fourth of July celebration outside the United States, and partygoers decked out in the Stars and Stripes sing American songs, eat hot dogs and, because this is Denmark after all, down Danish beer and aquavit.

 

This year it’s going to be a little different.

 

Organizers are expecting the smallest crowd ever. Some locals say they are sitting it out. And the American government has been uninvited, something that has never happened before and in the past would have been unthinkable.

 

Nixon. Reagan. Walter Cronkite. Walt Disney. Even Dionne Warwick. Some real heavyweights have flocked in on the Fourth to this blip of a town, Rebild, surrounded by purple heather fields and pig farms. Just about every year, the American ambassador to Denmark makes an appearance.

 

But this year, President Trump’s threats to take over Greenland, a Danish territory, have soured the mood. His obsession with Greenland has hijacked what used to be a very tight Danish-American relationship. Many Danes now question why they should celebrate the most patriotic day in the United States, on Danish soil, with public funds no less.

 

And so local politicians, no doubt smelling a  juicy issue, stepped in.

 

Lasse Olsen, a municipal council member who has agitated against the event for years, called Mr. Trump “an imperialistic mad man.”

 

He said that, given the way Mr. Trump had behaved toward Denmark, the presence of any officials from his administration would “disturb and distort” the festival. He led the charge this spring that gave the event’s organizers an ultimatum: Cut American officials from the program or lose logistical support and public funds (typically around $50,000).

 

The festival organizers agreed to remove U.S. officials from the program and said that embassy officials were sad about it but accepted it. The organizers also said that any Americans coming to the event this weekend in a private capacity were welcome.

 

The change stings. Organizers plan all year for a gala, a business round table and live music, culminating in an outdoor bash usually with some famous speakers. But this year, all anyone is talking about is Mr. Trump.

 

“It’s embarrassing,” said Bruce Bro, a retired American businessman with Danish ancestry who is a board member of the Rebild National Park Society, the organization that plans the party. He said that he supported the decision to keep American officials from participating.

 

The annual pilgrimage to Rebild started in 1912. It was the vision of Max Henius, a Danish American biochemist who helped refine beer brewing. He organized the purchase of land in the hills as a place to celebrate the bonds between Denmark and the United States.

 

In the early days, Danes who emigrated to America (many to the Midwest, where the landscape reminded them of home) flocked back to Rebild on the Fourth to reconnect with kin. After World War II, when the United States was seen as a hero and ties to the old country were still strong, Mr. Bro said that 50,000 people would show up.

 

But those ties have faded. And the party in Rebild has taken a hit. Recent crowds rarely surpass the low thousands. This year, organizers say they’ll be lucky to get a thousand.

 

The program still includes singing the Danish and American anthems, admiring classic American cars, eating hot dogs and open-faced shrimp sandwiches and spotting people dressed as American historical figures.

 

Last year, Denmark’s foreign minister was the keynote speaker; this time, another minister, lesser known, is planning to come, the Foreign Ministry said.

 

Lasse Frimand Jensen, mayor of Aalborg, which is one of the municipalities involved in the party, said that his council had decided to take a stand against American officials only after consulting with colleagues in the central government.

 

The mayor wouldn’t say who, but he’s well connected in the same political party as Mette Frederiksen, the prime minister, who has irritated Mr. Trump by her steadfastness over Greenland. She’s from this same area of Denmark, too.

 

Over the past few days, organizers have gone through their pre-party rituals: smoothing out American state flags to decorate the party ground, setting up tables and chairs and readying a fleet of golf carts to ferry older people down the gravelly path to the spot in the rugged green valley where the festivities take place.

 

Organizers say their biggest struggle is to attract younger people.

 

Mr. Bro said that he heard a lot of people, young and old, saying they didn’t want to come this year because of all the Greenland tensions. As for his own views, he said that he was “horrified” when Mr. Trump threatened to snatch the island from Denmark and that his relatives felt the same way.

 

“It’s very sad,” he said. “We want to keep this tradition alive. And we blame Trump.”

 

Jeffrey Gettleman is an international correspondent based in London covering global events. He has worked for The Times for more than 20 years.



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