quarta-feira, 13 de março de 2019

May ‘profoundly regrets’ parliament voting down Brexit deal / What happens now that May's Brexit deal has been defeated again? / The prime minister got one thing right: we can’t blame the EU for this





What happens now that May's Brexit deal has been defeated again?
Votes on no deal and extending article 50 to go ahead but long-term outlook remains unclear

Peter Walker Political correspondent
@peterwalker99
Tue 12 Mar 2019 20.41 GMT Last modified on Wed 13 Mar 2019 09.59 GMT

May ‘profoundly regrets’ parliament voting down Brexit deal – video
Theresa May’s second attempt to pass her Brexit deal has again been badly defeated, this time by a majority of 149.

What happens next?
As promised in advance by Theresa May, the next step will be motions on successive days to see first if MPs want to rule out a no-deal departure and then, if they do, whether they wish to extend article 50 and delay the Brexit process. The Conservatives will have a free vote on no deal. May stressed that Wednesday’s vote would not rule out no deal for ever – just for now. And if MPs decline to rule out no deal, she said, it will become official government policy.

Whatever happens, it’s not good news. Badly losing two Commons votes on your government’s flagship policy is unprecedented for a modern prime minister, and in any other political era would herald their imminent eviction from Downing Street. There had been speculation that May could even resign if she lost again. While she has not, she is badly weakened, and the challenges will surely come. For now, MPs’ focus is on seeking to shape Brexit, and few would probably want to immediately take on her onerous task. But – as with everything in this matter – events could move very quickly.

Could she present her deal yet again?
It’s possible. Speaking after the defeat, May’s spokesman refused to rule it out, reiterating the PM’s belief that departure with a deal is the better option, and that hers is the best deal on offer. In the interim, he said, MPs had some “very significant decisions to make”.

How long could Brexit be delayed?
That depends, not least on whether MPs support this. May is adamant that if there is a pause it should be brief and not one that would require the UK to take part in the upcoming European elections, taking place in 10 weeks’ time. But any Commons motion on extending article 50 will be amendable, and parliament might take another view.

Does this count as a victory for the ERG?
The Conservative hard-Brexiters from the European Research Group played a key role in sinking the deal, and their leader, Jacob Rees-Mogg, told reporters beforehand he assumed that the next step would be a no-deal Brexit. However, this is something of a roll of the dice, especially as the consensus is that there is nowhere near a Commons majority for such an exit. Before the vote, the Tory MP Nick Boles warned the ERG that if they voted against the deal then centrist Tories would “do whatever it takes to frustrate you”, including a delay to departing the EU and cross-party efforts to seek a majority for a softer Brexit deal.

Could May seek a softer Brexit?
Seemingly not, at least not yet. After the vote her spokesman reiterated the prime minister’s opposition to any Brexit deal that involves a customs union. Meanwhile the EU has indicated that it has no appetite for further talks.

What will Labour do next?
While pushing for a second referendum is still among the party’s official demands, in responding to May’s defeat, Jeremy Corbyn spoke mainly about again pushing Labour’s Brexit plan – which involves membership of a customs union, or the idea of a general election. But again, things could change quickly, and those MPs who back a second referendum have not given up on the idea.

Could there be a general election?
That is what some Conservative backbenchers loyal to May were warning would inevitably happen if she lost the latest vote. This is likely to have been intended as an extra warning to would-be Tory rebels, one that went largely unobserved. An election could still happen, but that would involve extending article 50 for longer than the government wants.

The prime minister got one thing right: we can’t blame the EU for this

Polly Toynbee
What did the Brexiteers imagine they could achieve? They’ve brought down their own party and in effect their government

Tue 12 Mar 2019 21.32 GMT Last modified on Wed 13 Mar 2019 00.29 GMT

Theresa May and Jean-Claude Juncker in Strasbourg, 11 March 2019

 “One of the most significant votes this House will ever take,” said Keir Starmer, winding up for Labour with formidable forensic authority in the midst of madness. “I could not have possibly seen the scale of calamity now upon us.” This was indeed a monumental event. What next? No one knows.

Those who promised that leaving the EU meant “taking back control” have instead lost all control. The revolutionary Brexit Conservatives have brought down their own party and in effect their government. Tory extremists who voted down the prime minister’s deal while yearning for their utterly unobtainable “clean break” have lost control too: the one certainty is this parliament of chaos will ensure Britain does not leave the EU with no deal.

Listening from afar was the EU’s negotiator, Michel Barnier, who shot out a tweet to the Brexiteer lunatics, warning them not to indulge in the “dangerous illusion” that there will be even a split second of “transition” with a no deal. Out will be deadly out, like it was for Captain Oates.

Parliament itself is all that is left to seize control, as party discipline breaks on all sides. For the prime minister to declare a free vote tomorrow on no deal is a shameful and astonishing abdication of responsibility – or just despair in the face of the collapse of all authority. She has made clear she herself sees no deal as an unthinkable danger with “grave implications” – but not to whip against it is an extraordinary capitulation to her wild fringe. What, at this stage, is the point of pretending to hold together the party that has brought us to this pitiful state?

The Speaker made clear that the “opportunity will arise” shortly to test out every possible future. Bleakly, Theresa May laid them out: to revoke article 50; a second referendum; or another deal, but not hers. Note that the most obvious need – for a general election to release us from this House of horrors – was not on her agenda. Her broken party no longer has people in grey suits, figures of shadowy gravitas, to tell her to go so that another election under another leader might happen. The foghorn buffoonery of attorney general Geoffrey Cox shows how hollow the party is now. Foolishly they wasted their one annual vote of no confidence in their leader – and she won it.

But can she keep going? There has rarely, if ever, been a spectacle of more pathos than this beleaguered prime minister croaking her way excruciatingly through her speech, neglected and deserted by her own MPs on the empty benches behind her. Her late-night Strasbourg dash was all in vain. She held meeting after meeting pleading for her MPs to switch – but few did. What do her party’s rebels imagine they will achieve?

At least May spelled out one useful warning. When everything collapses around their ears, when Brexit proves a calamity, “It will be no good blaming the EU, responsibility would lie with this House.” And so it would – unless this House can pull back, revoke article 50 with a confirmatory public vote, and try to dismiss this whole desperate episode as a brief strange nightmare that history should forget.

There would be so much to obliterate from the history books: how did the DUP, who have wrecked their Stormont government, who absolutely fail to represent Northern Ireland’s 56% remainer voters, come to hold such power over the once mighty Tory party? How did a politician as inept as May come to preside over this most critical moment? How, for that matter, did Her Majesty’s Opposition fail abysmally to seize the hour and stand resolutely against the Brexit insanity? Jeremy Corbyn in his 25-minute speech today made not one reference, not one, to the second referendum his party overwhelmingly desires? So much for his lifetime of preaching the supremacy of party members’ views. Nonethless, Labour will not be to blame: the Brexit nightmare is all Tory.

Here we stand in a thick fog of constitutional and political confusion. There is no solution but to ask the people. Remain stands 8-10% ahead in the polls. May’s deal is nowhere with the voters. People want to “Get it over with”? The only way now is to stay in the EU, and forget all this ever happened. As for the fate of our pitiable prime minister, all that keeps her propped up in No 10 is the awful prospect of the lineup of contenders for her post. God help us all.

• Polly Toynbee is a Guardian columnist

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