Brazil Moves to Open Indigenous Lands to Mining
Mongabay Mar. 15, 2019 12:37PM EST
Truck being loaded with bauxite ore at Brazil's Norsk Hydro
ASA Paragominas mine. Norsk Hydro ASA via Visual Hunt / CC BY-NC-SA
By Sue Branford and Maurício Torres
For many years, international and Brazilian mining companies
have dreamed of getting access to the mineral wealth lying beneath indigenous
lands. And finally, the government of Jair Bolsonaro seems determined to give
them that opportunity. On March 4, while Brazilians were distracted by Carnival
celebrations, the new Minister of Mines and Energy Admiral Bento Albuquerque
announced plans to permit mining on indigenous land.
Speaking at the annual convention of the Prospectors &
Developers Association of Canada (PDAC), a major event in the mining world that
attracts tens-of-thousands of attendees, the Minister said that Brazil's
indigenous people would be given a voice but not a veto in the matter. The
opening of indigenous ancestral territories to mining, he predicted, would "bring
benefits to these communities and to the country."
He also said that he intends to allow mining right up to
Brazil's borders, abolishing the current 150-kilometer (93-mile) wide mining
buffer zone at the frontier.
The minister said that current mining restrictions are
outdated. The long-restricted indigenous and border areas "have become
centers of conflict and illegal activities, that in no way contribute to
sustainable development or to sovereignty and national security." The
administration will shortly be holding a nationwide consultation to discuss how
the changes should be made, he concluded.
He also said that he intends to allow mining right up to
Brazil's borders, abolishing the current 150-kilometer (93-mile) wide mining
buffer zone at the frontier.
The minister said that current mining restrictions are
outdated. The long-restricted indigenous and border areas "have become
centers of conflict and illegal activities, that in no way contribute to
sustainable development or to sovereignty and national security." The
administration will shortly be holding a nationwide consultation to discuss how
the changes should be made, he concluded.
Bolsonaro's Indigenous Land Development Agenda
The minister's announcement was not unexpected. President
Jair Bolsonaro, an ex-army captain, has said that he admires the 1964-85
military dictatorship, and some are drawing parallels between Bolsonaro's
policies and theirs regarding indigenous and quilombola communities.
Bolsonaro recently wrote on Twitter: "Over 15 percent
of national territory is demarcated as indigenous and quilombola land. Less
than a million people live in these isolated areas, exploited and manipulated
by NGOs. We are going to integrate these citizens."
Back in 1976, Maurício Rangel Reis, interior minister in the
military government of General Ernesto Geisel, expressed harsh views toward
indigenous peoples: "We plan to reduce the number of Indians from 220,000
to 20,000 in ten years," he declared. But the military didn't achieve this
goal. Far from being eliminated, Brazil's indigenous numbers increased to their
current 900,000 population.
Indigenous groups achieved real gains after the military
government passed into history, and its dictatorial rule was supplanted by the
progressive 1988 Brazilian constitution, which brought two important
innovations. It abandoned the goal of assimilating indigenous people into the
dominant culture (a goal Bolsonaro wants to reinstate), and it affirmed the
concept of "original rights," recognizing indigenous peoples as
Brazil's first inhabitants, with the right to remain on ancestral lands.
Article 231 of the Constitution states: "Indians have
the right to the permanent occupation of their traditional land and to enjoy
the exclusive use of the wealth in the soil, rivers and lakes." Moreover,
their land rights are "inalienable." The Constitution allows for
mining on indigenous land, but only after the Indians have been consulted and
specific procedures for doing so, approved by them, have been ratified by
Congress.
Mining industry and individual prospecting requests on
indigenous land as filed with the federal government.
Mauricio Torres using data provided by the Departamento
Nacional de Produção Mineral
Admiral Albuquerque's recent announcement provided no clue
as to how the Bolsonaro government could legally give indigenous groups a voice
but no veto regarding use of their lands, while somehow staying within the
letter of constitutional law.
The Ministry of Mines and Energy has, however, confirmed to
Mongabay that it plans to authorize mining on indigenous areas. Though, as to
the legal mechanisms for doing so, it would only say that "the specific
regulatory model will be discussed with Congress and other involved
parties." Though its reports are unconfirmed, analysts suggest Bolsonaro
will probably issue a presidential decree to allow mining, which is the
approach he plans to use to permit agribusiness to lease land within indigenous
reserves — a move that faces a similar constitutional roadblock.
If it goes forward with these presidential decrees, the
administration will very likely face opposition from powerful figures in the
judiciary, including the country's top prosecutor. Speaking at a conference
attended by representatives of some of Brazil's 305 indigenous tribes, advocacy
groups and a dozen European nations, Prosecutor General Raquel Dodge noted that
indigenous land rights are guaranteed in Brazil's Constitution and warned:
"There can be no backsliding on public policies toward the indigenous
people."
The Amazonas branch of the Federal Public Ministry (MPF), an
independent group of federal and state litigators, is so concerned at
Bolsonaro's mining plan that in February it went to court to ask the National
Mining Agency (Agência Nacional de Mineração, ANM), the federal body that
administers the mining sector, to turn down all requests by international and
Brazilian mining companies to prospect or mine on indigenous land.
The mining industry has not only made prospecting requests
(red) within indigenous reserves (yellow), but also on other conserved lands
(green).
According to the MPF, mining companies and individuals have
altogether lodged 4,073 requests with the ANM for mining-related activities on
indigenous land since 1969, seemingly in preparation for an eventual land rush.
The companies say that they are only registering their interest, but MPF argues
that, until the required constitutional amendments have been written and
approved by Congress, such requests should not even be permitted.
Brazil's indigenous peoples have clearly indicated that if
the mining plan goes forward they will fight back. Most don't want mining on
their land. Munduruku female warrior Maria Leuza Munduruku told Mongabay:
"We've had a lot of outsiders coming onto our land to mine. Many fish
disappear and the ones that remain we can't eat, as they're dirty."
Joenia Wapichana, Brazil's only indigenous female federal
deputy, said that Indians don't want the money mining might bring in: "For
us indigenous people wealth is having health, land to live on without receiving
threats, a stable climate, demarcated land, a preserved culture and respect for
our community." Brazil's mining environmental and safety record is marred
by frequent waterway contamination and land pollution, and includes two deadly
tailings dam collapses in the past three years,
Davi Kopenawa Yanomami, one of Brazil's best-known
indigenous leaders, says that large-scale mining by big companies is
particularly harmful: "This kind of mining requires roads to transport the
mineral, large areas to store production, big dormitories where workers can
sleep," he said. "It will transform our forest." A 2017 study
found that mining and its auxiliary activities caused 10 percent of
deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon between 2005 and 2015. How much Amazon
deforestation might skyrocket if indigenous reserves are opened to mining now
is anyone's guess; indigenous groups are currently the Amazon's best land
stewards.
Mining Companies in the Driver's Seat
After last year's election, the pro-mining lobby in
Congress, known by some as the "mud lobby," is stronger than ever.
Their main spokesperson, federal deputy Leonardo Quintão, is
a member of Bolsonaro's Civil Office. He openly admits to receiving money from
mining companies: "I am a parliamentarian legally financed by mining
companies," he said. Quintão was the first rapporteur for Brazil's new
Mining Code, presented to the National Congress in 2013, which mining companies
helped him formulate. He is proud of his work: "Our Code is modern …
outlawing all kind of speculation in the mining sector."
But others complain of Congress's failure to talk to
potentially impacted communities when planning the new code. According to
anthropologist Maria Júlia Zanon, who coordinates the Movement for Popular
Sovereignty in Mining (Movimento pela Soberania Popular na Mineração),
"The companies' economic interests, evident in the elections, help explain
the lack of democracy in the [congressional approval] process."
As of now, the new Mining Code has yet to be signed into
law, and the horrific Vale mining disaster in Brumadinho this January, with 193
people dead and another 115 missing, might further delay approval. Andréa
Zhouri, at the University of Minas Gerais, said the disaster stemmed from
"politico-institutional failures," particularly a lack in regular
monitoring of hazardous mining operations. "The [value of] ore is above
everything and everyone," Zhouri said.
There has been little indication so far that the government
intends to significantly toughen environmental controls in the new Code. Some
fear that, once the Brumadinho hue and cry dies down, it will be business as
usual and the Mining Code will be approved. Prosecutor Guilherme de Sá
Meneghin, who led the investigation into the earlier Mariana mining disaster,
said: "What we clearly see is that Brazil doesn't learn the lessons of
history."
Today, mining companies chomp at the bit, having registered
many prospecting requests within indigenous reserves. Minister Albuquerque — an
admiral with a long, illustrious military career, and known for getting what he
wants — has signaled readiness to help those firms translate their plans into
action. However, Brazil's indigenous people, with a history of batting away
threats, often against bad odds, are ready to fiercely resist. The lines are
drawn for battle, likely in the courts, and potentially all across Brazil.
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