Günther Oettinger
The crisis of confidence in the euro – when
millions of citizens feared for their savings and virtually the entire economic
system was at risk – is over. This is largely due to the tremendous efforts of
EU member states, and European institutions in Brussels
and Frankfurt that worked well together to
avert disaster. That we have mastered this crisis together is undoubtedly a
success.
But questions remain. As the EU’s autumn
economic forecasts showed, growth prospects remain weak. There is talk of
stagnation and a possible risk of a return to the crisis. If we are to avoid
this, and really put the threat behind us, we need to chart a credible course
in economic and financial policy. Our work on bolstering confidence in the euro
must continue. And, to achieve this goal, structural reform will play a
critical role.
In this regard, the role of eurozone
heavyweights such as France
and Germany
will be decisive. But so too will be the more immediate question of how strict
the European Commission is in addressing the issue of France and its high
budget deficit.
Next week the new commission is set to take
probably the hardest and most serious decision since taking office this month.
It must decide whether Paris should for the third time be granted extra time to
bring its budget deficit below the limit of 3 per cent of gross domestic
product set out in the stability and growth pact, the rules underpinning the
single currency. France
last managed to stay beneath that limit in 2009. The commission has twice
granted an extension, most recently until 2015.
Yet the autumn official forecasts show even
this will not be met. On the contrary: without additional efforts France ’s
deficit will rise further – to 4.5 per cent of GDP in 2015 and 4.7 per cent the
following year. For 2014 it is forecast at 4.4 per cent.
This raises the question of the willingness
to act and whether to go further in tackling the deficit; and of how the
commission should respond. It would not be credible to extend the deadline
without asking for clear, concrete steps in return. France must commit to policy goals
that can solve its economic and fiscal problems in the long term.
This should not be seen as a decision taken
against France but rather as
a measure for, and with, France .
It is not just about one country. Without an economically strong France , the
eurozone as a whole will not recover.
This means the biggest, most urgent
challenge facing France
remains the need to implement deep structural reforms. Only these will increase
investment, create jobs and boost growth. Structural reforms are also the best
way to rebuild the trust needed to provide the economy with effective credit
once more.
For this reason any extension of the
deadline by which France
must correct its excessive deficit and comply with the stability pact is
acceptable only if Paris
makes a clear and credible commitment to reform. Yes, some steps have already
been taken. But these have been too few and not sufficiently ambitious. More is
needed. That is in the interest of France but also of the eurozone as
a whole.
Therefore the commission should link any
extension of the deadline to concrete, measurable policy steps; and it should also
set the timeline for their implementation. The Lisbon treaty that underpins the EU offers
ways to do this. We should use these. For the sake of France – and for Europe .
The writer, a member of Germany ’s
Christian Democratic Union, is EU commissioner for the digital economy and
society
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