Disillusionment
Plays Big Role in Greek Election
Many
voters are undecided or plan to abstain ahead of Sunday’s vote,
mainly to Syriza’s detriment
By NEKTARIA STAMOULI
And STELIOS BOURAS
Sept. 16, 2015 5:30
p.m. ET
http://www.wsj.com/articles/disillusionment-plays-big-role-in-greek-election-1442439030?mod=WSJ_article_EditorsPicks_2
ATHENS—This
Sunday, when Greeks are called to the polls for the third time this
year, Giota Kontostanou will stay home.
The 30-year-old
waitress and mother of two voted for the left-wing Syriza party in
January, helping it sweep to power to battle the austerity budget
policies demanded by the country’s European creditors. She backed
the party again when its leader, Alexis Tsipras, called a referendum
on creditors’ demands in July.
Syriza’s revolt
failed: Mr. Tsipras resigned as prime minister last month after
signing up to a new, austerity-heavy international bailout, under
heavy pressure from Germany and other lenders. Whoever follows him
will have to follow the stringent economic policies in the package.
Mrs. Kontostanou,
full of antiausterity passion in January, can’t see the point of
voting now. “It isn’t going to make a difference anyway,” she
said.
Greece’s snap
election on Sunday, the latest act in the country’s long debt
crisis, hinges on whether Mr. Tsipras can mobilize Syriza voters like
Mrs. Kontostanou again, despite their disillusionment.
With three days to
go, opinion polls put Syriza and the main conservative party, New
Democracy, neck and neck, with neither expected to win a clear
majority.
The polls also show
that up to 20% of Greeks are still undecided or intend to abstain—and
that a disproportionate number of them are former Syriza supporters.
That gives New Democracy a good shot at returning to power, only
eight months after its crushing January defeat.
“Abstention is
mainly harming Syriza, so whether these people decide to head to
ballots will determine the outcome of the elections,” said Thomas
Gerakis, head of opinion-polling company Marc.
Twice this year,
Greeks voted overwhelmingly against more fiscal belt-tightening but
found themselves stuck with it anyway. The alternative—national
bankruptcy and exit from Europe’s common currency, the euro—was
too frightening, even for the antiausterity firebrand Mr. Tsipras.
The difference this
time is that both Syriza and New Democracy are promising to implement
the new bailout agreement—while asking lenders to soften its edges.
That consensus, if it holds, potentially offers Greece the prospect
of political calm, which the country and its battered economy badly
need.
The latest,
three-year bailout program, ratified in August, offers Greece €86
billion ($97 billion) in loans in return for carrying out sharp
spending cuts, tax increases and broad economic overhauls mandated by
the rest of the eurozone and the International Monetary Fund.
If Syriza wins, its
commitment to the bailout plan could soon be tested by its various
unruly factions, many of which remain ideologically opposed to
austerity measures.
“Despite his
recent U-turn, Mr. Tsipras’s priority will be to keep his party
together, not to implement the terms of the bailout,” said Wolfango
Piccoli, a managing director at New York-based political risk
consultancy Teneo Intelligence. “Party unity remains fragile, and
frictions could re-emerge soon after voting day.”
If Syriza loses,
analysts say it is likely to revert to its previous antiausterity
stance, making life difficult for a center-right government.
New Democracy, in
government from mid-2012 until this January, has a mixed track record
already on implementing overhauls under Greece’s previous bailout
program. In his campaign, New Democracy leader Vagelis Meimarakis has
pledged to defend tax exemptions for the farming lobby.
Mr. Tsipras has said
that if elected, he would continue fighting with the country’s
creditors for better terms on certain issues that remain open under
the bailout, such as labor legislation.
Opinion polls show
many Greeks would like a coalition government of the two biggest
parties, so that they are both forced to take responsibility for
completing the bailout program.
But there is strong
resistance within each party to such collaboration. “For both Mr.
Tsipras and Mr. Meimarakis, this would make it difficult to keep
their respective parties under control,” Mr. Piccoli said.
Instead, the
first-place finisher is expected to seek a coalition with the
centrist To Potami (The River) party, the center-left Pasok, or both.
The national feeling
of frustration could push many Greeks to cast a protest vote.
The fascist movement
Golden Dawn is in third place with about 7% support, although both
parties have ruled it out as a coalition partner.
The Centrist Union,
under chat-show host Vassilis Leventis, could well enter parliament
for the first time, after 14 failed attempts. Mr. Leventis is widely
seen as a political clown for his eccentric television appearances,
including inflammatory comments such as calling on God to give cancer
to all Greek political leaders.
Most opinion polls
show that Popular Unity, a breakaway faction from Syriza that
objected to Mr. Tsipras’s U-turn on austerity, is set to enter
parliament, but with little more than the required 3% threshold.
Popular Unity’s open call for Greece to leave the euro has limited
its appeal.
Write to Nektaria
Stamouli at nektaria.stamouli@wsj.com and Stelios Bouras at
stelios.bouras@wsj.com
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