In
Germany, Immigrants Bristle at a New Generation
Three
million Turks are already living in Germany. And not all of them are
embracing the new wave of Syrian refugees.
BY
SUMI SOMASKANDAMARCH 8, 2016
(
…) “But in a country where issues of integration and identity are
fraught, and where anti-foreigner sentiment is on the rise, there is
also growing uncertainty, and even fear, among Germany’s immigrant
communities over the uninterrupted flow of asylum-seekers. In a
November 2015 study conducted by the market-based research company
YouGov, 40 percent of Germans with an immigrant background said they
believed Berlin should take in fewer refugees. Nearly a quarter said
it was time to stop all refugees from entering entirely.”
BERLIN — On a
recent Wednesday evening, a queue of families bundled in faded parkas
and scarves shuffled into a bright gym in Berlin’s Moabit
neighborhood. Many had spent the afternoon outside Berlin’s State
Office for Health and Social Affairs, waiting in the relentless rain
to register as asylum-seekers.
Tin plates of rice
with hot meat stew and thin cups of syrupy sweet tea awaited them in
the gym. Imam Abdallah Hajjir comes here most evenings. His mosque
and community association, called the House of Wisdom, helps to run
this emergency overnight accommodations center. The imam sees it as a
civic and religious duty to help fellow Muslims and anyone in need —
especially now. “At a time when a lot of people consider Islam a
burden, we wanted to show that we’re also part of the solution,”
he said.
Hajjir, who arrived
in Berlin from Jordan in 1978, isn’t alone. Of the volunteers who
have fed, clothed, and tended to refugees across the country, many —
some 30 percent, according to a study from the Berlin Institute for
Integration and Migration Research (BIM) — have an immigrant
background themselves.
But in a country
where issues of integration and identity are fraught, and where
anti-foreigner sentiment is on the rise, there is also growing
uncertainty, and even fear, among Germany’s immigrant communities
over the uninterrupted flow of asylum-seekers. In a November 2015
study conducted by the market-based research company YouGov, 40
percent of Germans with an immigrant background said they believed
Berlin should take in fewer refugees. Nearly a quarter said it was
time to stop all refugees from entering entirely.
Around 91,000
asylum-seekers arrived in January of this year, and more than 1.1
million entered the country in 2015. Even if the grand bargain
between the European Union and Turkey that the German government
helped negotiate puts a dent in those numbers, many Germans feel that
Chancellor Angela Merkel failed to prepare for the cultural and
economic consequences of her open-door refugee policy.
But the
disillusionment in Germany’s established immigrant communities has
taken on extra dimensions. The refugee crisis has led to a surge in
xenophobic violence by populist right-wing groups that make few
distinctions between established immigrant communities and new
arrivals. The Central Council of Muslims in Germany reported a spike
in threatening phone calls and hate mail, following the New Year’s
Eve sexual assaults in Cologne, calling it a new dimension of hate,
while the Turkish Community in Germany (TGD) says dealing with
vicious emails has become a daily occurrence.
It’s not just the
prospect of right-wing violence that has triggered concerns, however.
Wolfgang Kaschuba, director of BIM, says Turkish, Arab, and African
groups often still live on the margins of society and the outskirts
of big cities — exactly where refugees end up settling. The
competition for affordable housing, low-skilled employment, and jobs
in the broader immigrant economy is already stiff, and it looks
likely to get even stiffer in the near term.
“The old guard is
not amused by the new guard,” said Gilles Duhem, who runs a
nonprofit focused on integration and education in Berlin’s heavily
immigrant Rollberg neighborhood. “Absolutely not amused. Nobody
will tell you that, of course. But there will be a battle for
apartments, jobs, social benefits, and schools.”
* * *
Immigrant
associations like TGD, mosques like the House of Wisdom, and various
civil society groups have been on the front lines of the effort to
assist refugees in shelters and schools, and officially, they lobby
the government for pro-refugee policies. But those who work within
immigrant communities say the rhetoric on the streets can be very
different. “Not every migrant here says, automatically, ‘You’re
a migrant as well. I will help you,’” said Kaschuba. “They’re
worried about the positions they’ve just managed to win
themselves.”
The troubled history
of Germany’s Turkish community, the country’s largest immigrant
group, has inflamed the “us vs. them” narrative. Waves of Turkish
guest workers first began arriving in the 1960s and 1970s to help
fuel the postwar boom in West Germany. They were expected to return
home after their labor schemes expired, but they put down roots
instead. They brought over their families and all the trappings of
Turkish culture, setting up mosques and grocery stores and bakeries.
It took decades for Germans to realize they were here to stay.
Today, some 3
million people of Turkish descent live in the country. The debate
surrounding their failed integration runs deep and fierce. A 2009
study from the Berlin Institute for Population and Development ranked
Turks as the immigrant community least integrated into German
society, particularly in education and the labor market. And
according to a report compiled by the Federal Office for Migration
and Refugees in 2010, one in five Turks reported having poor German
skills, and 50 percent said they had little contact with Germans.
German politicians have accused Turks of building parallel societies
while refusing to embrace the language and way of life; Turks insist
they were never welcome in the first place. Systemic racism and
alienation have been a barrier to integration, and even second or
third generations are not considered German.
Their struggles have
taken on new dimensions now, as the German government has rolled out
measures to help integrate the newest wave of arrivals. There are
free language courses, welcome classes designed for refugee children,
special university enrollment programs, and initiatives to open
access to the labor market.
Many Turks,
meanwhile, recall having to claw for everything. While they represent
the largest and most influential immigrant group in Germany today —
populating posts in ministries and think tanks and big business —
they received little support and often had to overcome many hurdles,
including discrimination, to get there.
For some, like
Gulcan Kiraz, years of witnessing her parents struggle to grasp
German, and watching as her brother was downgraded in school despite
bright academic abilities, drove her to make the path smoother for
other newcomers. Kiraz, now an integration officer in the city of
Werdohl in western Germany, helps refugee children in Werdohl’s
schools to integrate seamlessly into society.
“For the last 20
years, my criticism has always been that integration wasn’t thought
through. It’s good to see that they’re learning from mistakes,
that refugees can directly take part in language classes right away,”
she said.
But Kiraz adds that
she is also aware of a growing wariness among immigrant families over
the influx of so many new people. Studies indicate that immigrants
still face significant discrimination in finding jobs, regardless of
whether or not they were born in Germany. Now the country must absorb
an estimated 300,000 working-age refugees into the labor market —
mostly in the shrinking low-skilled sector.
Ersin, a 35-year-old
German of Kurdish origin who owns and operates a successful internet
cafe and shop in Berlin’s Schöneberg neighborhood, says that he
has heard those concerns echoing among his circle of friends and
family.
“I think it’s
the people who are not as well integrated themselves who are thinking
about it,” said Ersin, who declined to give his last name. “I’m
not worried because I speak German and other languages as well, but
the people who aren’t as well educated or who don’t have good
prospects, they’re the ones who are uneasy.”“I’m not worried
because I speak German and other languages as well, but the people
who aren’t as well educated or who don’t have good prospects,
they’re the ones who are uneasy.”
At an intersection
near Ersin’s shop dotted with Turkish grocery stores and social
housing, a portly, graying man who also only gave his first name —
Ozturk — says he barely makes ends meet with his cramped
convenience store. Ever since he arrived from Istanbul 20 years ago,
he has watched jobs and wages steadily dwindle. The only options now
are in the cleaning industry or creating businesses like his, he
says. “For normal people who live here, there’s no work,” he
said with exasperation. “What about the refugees?”
* * *
Ironically, these
latest tensions come at a time when the heated discourse surrounding
Germany’s Turkish community in particular might be growing
obsolete. Second and third generations of Turkish families, born and
raised here, have started to build successful businesses and
establish a foothold in media, politics, and academia. Today, the
government is increasingly turning to Turkish leaders for advice and
aid in integrating the refugees.
“We’re the ones
who have been living in Germany for more than 50 years and have
experience with integration,” said Gokay Sofuoglu, the TGD’s
chairman, a German of Turkish origin who has lived in the country for
36 years. “We know all the mistakes that were made, and we also
know how to do things right here.” Language and education are the
most essential tools, says Sofuoglu, but cultural and social
integration — understanding the laws and ways of the land — is
crucial.
The influx could
also open opportunities to reshape identities for many of those with
an immigrant background. Turkish and Arab Germans who live and work
here, and speak the language, no longer appear so foreign, at least
not compared to the Syrians and Iraqis now arriving. Like concentric
circles, the newest occupy the outermost rungs of social order, and
those who have been in the country longer move toward the center,
said BIM’s Kaschuba. He has seen it in practice already, in the way
established immigrants are discussing Germany’s policy on the
refugee crisis among themselves and with broader society.
“You have the
situation today where you have a taxi driver of Turkish descent or
from an Arab family, and they ask, ‘What are we [Germans] doing?’
They’re saying ‘we.’”
Meanwhile, community
leaders are urging Germans from an immigrant background to maintain
compassion and empathy toward those trying to adapt to a new country
and culture, even amid tensions. In an atmosphere increasingly
poisoned by xenophobia and hate, now is not the time to allow media
to portray refugees as threats, said Sofuoglu.
“We can’t allow
two societies to be created among immigrants — those who came 50
years ago and the refugees coming now,” he said. “We can’t let
ourselves be divided.”
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