France’s ‘sad’ rural towns pose real challenge
for Macron’s second term
Rural decline boosts Marine Le Pen and makes it harder
for the president to reconcile a divided nation.
Tonneins is like thousands of provincial towns across
France, once rural gems that are falling into disrepair, sore reminders of a
waning France |
BY CLEA
CAULCUTT
April 29,
2022 4:00 am
https://www.politico.eu/article/how-marine-le-pen-conquered-the-french-countryside/
TONNEINS,
France — Tonneins should be an idyllic place to live. Full of history and
charm, the small town perches above the River Garonne in southwest France and
is surrounded by gently rolling countryside. Sounds like an expat’s dream.
And yet,
more than half the town’s voters backed the populist, far-right candidate
Marine Le Pen in last weekend’s presidential election.
Despite the
area’s natural beauty, the signs of decline and decay are everywhere. Youths
hang around the main square, there are entire streets with boarded-up shops
and, overlooking the river, an empty bandstand recalls better times.
“It’s a sad
town,” said an elderly woman sitting on a bench with a couple of friends.
“There used to be a butcher, a baker, a grocery store, there’s nothing left
now,” chimed in another.
“There’s
nothing for the youngsters, mine have all left for big cities, Strasbourg,
Paris, Lille…” added a third.
Tonneins is
like thousands of provincial towns across France, once rural gems that are
falling into disrepair, sore reminders of a waning France. And they have become
easy prey for Le Pen, who in Sunday’s election made big gains across the
country.
The
far-right leader has extended her grip beyond strongholds in northeastern and
southern France and pushed west into areas that traditionally voted center
left. The Lot-et-Garonne constituency, which includes Tonneins, voted for the
Socialist François Hollande in 2012 and centrist Emmanuel Macron in 2017, but
swung behind Le Pen this time around.
Though
Macron won reelection with 58 percent of the overall vote, the far-right
National Rally has never been so strong, with Le Pen gaining 9 percentage
points on her second-round result against Macron five years ago.
Now in his
second term, the pressure is on Macron, who is seen as a president for the
bigger globalized cities, to focus his energies on voters who feel left behind
or cast aside, including those from rural towns and villages. With
parliamentary elections looming in June, Macron’s La République en Marche party
has to claw back support in places like the Lot-et-Garonne if it wants to keep
control of the National Assembly.
Country hardships
But turning
around places like Tonneins is no easy task.
Here, the
main concerns are over the rising cost of living, security and immigration —
three issues that play to the strengths of Le Pen’s National Rally. Ahead of
the presidential election, Le Pen shunned big towns and ran a grassroots
campaign focused on boosting purchasing power with eye-catching promises to cut
VAT on basic products.
In
Tonneins, her words found an echo. Kevin Escoder, a 24-year-old self-employed
landscape gardener, voted for Le Pen because he wanted “change” and supported
her policies on pensions and inflation.
Tonneins
used to have a thriving city center before the local economy nosedived
“[My wife and I] both have full-time jobs, but
salaries are much lower in the countryside and we’re struggling to make ends
meet,” said Escoder.
Escoder and
his wife Gwenaël Josset have already cut back on holidays to keep afloat, but
with inflation hitting, they are seeing their dreams of getting on the property
ladder vanish.
“We have to
be very careful with our money, there’s always something that needs paying for.
The car needs fixing, whatever. Or else we really would just be eating potatoes
at the end of the month,” said Josset. It’s not just the lack of money that
chafes, it’s the sense that life was “better before” when their parents “ate
meat every day.”
In
Tonneins, it’s a common refrain — that life was indeed easier not so long ago
when there was more money and a local economy driven by the tobacco
industry.
“Small
towns have suffered a lot, shops have closed and people have become poorer,”
said centrist Senator Jean-Pierre Moga, a former mayor of Tonneins.
“We still
have some industry, but it doesn’t generate much wealth. When local shops
started to close, the town lost its attractiveness and petty crime increased,”
he said, adding that for a long time, women would stay home to avoid groups of
youths loitering in the streets.
Tonneins
illustrates the growing inequalities between urban and rural France. According
to a 2020 study by the rural mayors’ association, city dwellers can expect to
live two years longer than those in remote rural areas.
And as the
economy has slumped, tensions have increased between locals and the descendants
of North African immigrants. Tonneins is a town with a rich immigrant past,
with workers from Italy, Spain, Eastern Europe and Morocco settling and taking
up farming jobs over the past century. But nowadays, some residents accuse the
youth of North African descent of becoming troublemakers because of a lack of
prospects.
The poverty
and lack of social mobility have made Tonneins, and many more places like it,
low-hanging fruit for Le Pen’s rural push.
“We worked
hard, crisscrossed the department, but that alone doesn’t move things,” said
Sébastien Delbosq, a regional councilor from the National Rally.
“What
changed is the track record [of past governments], 10 years of breaking public
services, of post offices closing, of fewer police officers. The Lot-et-Garonne
feels abandoned,” he added.
The results
of the presidential election show that 51 percent of voters in towns with fewer
than 1,000 inhabitants backed Le Pen, compared with 25 percent in towns with a
population of over 100,000.
A tall order for Macron
Since
winning the election, Macron has pledged to reconcile divisions in France.
“In the
poorest neighborhoods, whether it’s in towns or in the countryside, we must
re-create the conditions for a real equality of chances,” he said on a visit to
Cergy, near Paris, on Wednesday, adding this was the only way to overcome the
“feeling of neglect.”
During his
campaign, Macron promised €50 billion of investment per year, financed by his
reforms of pensions and job-seeker allowances. Some of this money is earmarked
for rural and peripheral areas. His camp also argues that the government’s
effort to bring down unemployment — which is at its lowest since 2008 — is the best
way to boost buying power.
But none of
these policies will have an immediate impact on places like Tonneins. Already
€5 billion has been invested in renovating the centers of small towns.
“Lots of
places in the Lot-et-Garonne received money,” said Michel Lauzzana, a local MP
from Macron’s La République en Marche party.
“But it
doesn’t pay off straight away. Investments need to create a dynamic, it takes
time. It’s like a cruise ship that slowly turns around,” he said.
Except time
is running out. In June’s parliamentary elections, Le Pen’s allies hope that
her strong showing in the presidential vote will translate into seats in the
National Assembly. In the Lot-et-Garonne, Le Pen won 27 percent of the vote,
ahead of Macron’s 23 percent and 18 percent for far-left leader Jean-Luc
Mélenchon.
“They are
not in government so they can promise the moon,” said Lauzzana, referring to
analysis showing that Le Pen’s and Mélenchon’s campaign platforms were not
properly budgeted.
“We work
under restrictions because we are managing the country. We are fighting dreams
with the weapons of the real world,” said Lauzzana.
But in
Tonneins, it’s unlikely that Escoder and his wife will hear those arguments
when they cast their votes in June. With inflation biting, a new Macron mandate
just means less money in their pockets.
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