NEWS
ANALYSIS
The Senate’s passage of a trillion-dollar
infrastructure plan was vindication of President Biden’s commitment to
bipartisanship, but for his larger agenda, he will need Democrats in lock step.
Video
TRANSCRIPT
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Biden
Thanks Senators for Passing Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill
President
Biden celebrated the Senate’s passage of a $1 trillion package to upgrade
roads, bridges, rail and water systems as a win for bipartisanship in American
government. The bill now goes to the House.
I want to
thank a group of senators, Democrats and Republicans, for doing what they told
me they would do. The death of this legislation was mildly premature, as
reported. They said they’re willing to work in a bipartisan manner, and I want
to thank them for keeping their word — that’s just what they did. After years
and years of “infrastructure week,” we’re on the cusp of an infrastructure
decade that I truly believe will transform America. America has often had the
greatest prosperity and made the most progress when we invest in America
itself. And that’s what this infrastructure bill does with overwhelming support
from the United States Senate — 69 votes in the Senate. A vote margin bigger
than the Interstate highway system passed the Senate in 1956. Makes key investments
that will, one, create millions of good union jobs all across the country, in
cities, small towns, rural and tribal communities. America, America, this is
how we truly build back better. This bill is going to put people to work,
modernizing our roads and our highways and our bridges. I know compromise is
hard for both sides, but it’s important. It’s important, it’s necessary for
democracy to be able to function. Just want to thank everyone on both sides of
the aisle for supporting this bill. Today, we proved that democracy can still
work.
Jonathan
WeismanZolan Kanno-Youngs
By Jonathan
Weisman and Zolan Kanno-Youngs
Aug. 10,
2021
https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/10/us/politics/biden-democrats-infrastructure.html
WASHINGTON
— The Senate’s passage on Tuesday of a trillion-dollar infrastructure package
may have been a vote of confidence for President Biden and his insistence that
bipartisanship can still thrive, but there is a far harder task ahead for his
agenda: keeping Democrats in lock step.
The
crosscurrents in the president’s own party have only sharpened since Congress
began moving on parallel tracks with two separate legislative efforts. One, a
$1 trillion bipartisan measure that the Senate passed Tuesday, would pay for
roads, bridges, rail and water systems. The other, a budget blueprint the
Senate was expected to pass late Tuesday or early Wednesday, would come
together this fall to expand the nation’s social safety net — education, health
care, child care and climate change — with Democratic votes only.
It will
fall to the president to keep his fractious party in line on both efforts
moving forward.
“I would
liken it to air traffic control,” Representative Tom Malinowski, Democrat of
New Jersey, said on Tuesday. “We have at least a couple of planes circling the
airport in stormy weather, and everyone wants to see their loved ones on the
ground. But the important thing is to get everyone down safely. In what order
and at what time best assures that, that’s the challenge.”
Mr. Biden,
he said, will be “absolutely critical.”
In an
evenly divided Senate and a narrowly divided House, the path for Mr. Biden’s
agenda is treacherous. It is remarkable that his expansive social and economic
proposals — all $4 trillion of them — have gotten this far, and the two
chambers’ Democratic leaders, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senator Chuck Schumer,
have proved adept at holding their caucuses together.
But the
party’s left wing is smarting, feeling like infrastructure has been given
preferential treatment to its priorities and losing a hard-fought special
election in Cleveland to a handpicked representative of the Democratic
establishment, Shontel Brown, who beat Nina Turner, a hero of progressives.
Mr. Biden
used a speech after the Senate vote not only to trumpet the bipartisan package
but to shift focus to the Democrats needed to pass the $3.5 trillion social
policy bill, which has to be approved under a budget process called
reconciliation to sidestep Republican opposition.
“I think we
will get enough Democrats to vote for it,” Mr. Biden said, adding, “and I think
that the House will eventually put two bills on my desk, one on infrastructure,
and one on reconciliation.”
“For the
Republicans who supported this bill, you showed a lot of courage,” Mr. Biden
said. “To the Democrats who supported this bill, we can be proud.”
Liberal
Democrats never bought into one of the premises of the Biden campaign, that
moderation, at least in temperament, could soften reflexive Republican
opposition to everything a Democratic president proposes and begin to mend the
country’s divisions. Instead they championed his policy agenda, which was
unabashedly liberal and expansive.
But Mr.
Biden and other more moderate Democrats saw outreach to Republicans, at least
on one major bill, as a critical gesture. When Mr. Biden was vice president,
Republicans in 2010 capitalized on the sense that the Obama White House and
Democrats were using their majorities to ram through pricey legislation at
will, and the result was what President Barack Obama called a shellacking in
2010 and a Republican House majority for the remainder of his presidency.
Progressives
have been paying the price. The $6 trillion that liberals wanted to expand
social safety programs and combat climate change has been cut nearly in half.
Promises to devote more than $1 trillion to converting the nation’s energy
system to wind, solar and battery power were pared back to around $100 billion
in the Senate’s infrastructure bill. An allocation of $20 billion Mr. Biden
initially proposed to “reconnect” communities of color was cut to $1 billion.
“I don’t
know why moderates won’t compromise the way progressives have,” Representative
Ro Khanna, a liberal Democrat from California, said on Tuesday.
The party’s
center, meantime, is on a roll, beating the left’s candidates and suggesting it
ultimately will not go along with the $3.5 trillion price tag for the social
policy bill. Representative Elissa Slotkin, Democrat of Michigan, said she
might be persuaded to support something truly transformational, like universal
child care, that could propel women back into the work force. But she had not
seen anything on paper, while the infrastructure bill is, well, concrete.
“The clear
signal from my district is, pocket what we can get now and do not hold the
infrastructure package hostage,” she said on Tuesday. “Show me the targeted and
transformational legislation you’re talking about. Make your case, I’m open,
but you can’t expect me as someone who considers herself to be pretty fiscally responsible
to sign on to something that’s $3 trillion without even seeing the text.”
Those
divisions signal a long slog ahead. The Senate’s 48 Democrats and two
independents were expected late Tuesday or early Wednesday to approve a budget
blueprint that instructs Senate committees to produce legislation this fall
that spends $3.5 trillion to expand Medicare and health insurance subsidies,
extend lucrative tax credits for virtually all families with children, fund
universal preschool and two years of free community college, and expand elder
care and child care — all financed by tax increases on the rich and on
corporations.
Under
complicated budget rules, that legislation would then be protected from a
Republican filibuster and could pass the Senate this fall without one
Republican vote — if all 50 senators who caucus with Democratic leadership hold
together. A single defection would doom it.
House
Democrats have their own problems. House leaders plan to hold a conference call
as soon as Wednesday with the entire caucus to appeal for unity and plan a path
forward, House Democrats said on Tuesday. The Biden administration has deployed
several senior officials to meet with lawmakers, including the progressive,
Black and Hispanic caucuses.
“We’ll get
it done,” Mr. Biden said.
The House
passed its own infrastructure bill, which includes more money for climate
change mitigation, and nearly $5.7 billion to pay for 1,473 home district
projects, or earmarks, that were vetted by the House Transportation and
Infrastructure Committee.
Representative
Peter A. DeFazio of Oregon, the committee’s chairman and the bill’s author,
wants a seat at the table, not a rubber stamp for the Senate bill — though he
indicated on Tuesday that some of his infrastructure demands, especially on
climate change, could shift to the social policy bill.
The White
House has sent mixed messages. Just after passage on Tuesday, Mr. Biden
declared on Twitter: “Big news, folks: The Bipartisan Infrastructure Deal has
officially passed the Senate. I hope Congress will send it to my desk as soon
as possible.”
But the
leaders of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, nearly 100 members strong and
backed by Ms. Pelosi, say they will not pass any stand-alone infrastructure
bill unless and until the Senate approves the left’s priority, all $3.5
trillion of the social policy bill, which would be the largest expansion of the
social safety net since the Great Society of the 1960s.
“We
recognize that what just happened in the Senate was tremendous progress, but
progressives are trying to make sure we have a bill that meets this moment,”
said Representative Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, the vote counter of the
Progressive Caucus.
The White
House press secretary, Jen Psaki, told reporters that Mr. Biden was “going to
work in lock step” with Ms. Pelosi.
Liberals
fear that if the bill funding roads, bridges and rail is signed into law first,
moderate Democrats like Senators Joe Manchin III of West Virginia and Kyrsten
Sinema of Arizona will declare victory and peel away from the social policy
bill. To progressives, their votes for the infrastructure bill are leverage for
their priority.
That could
mean the infrastructure bill that passed the Senate will sit on a shelf well
into the fall, as Democrats wrangle over the details of the $3.5 trillion
social policy measure.
Moderate
Democrats, such as Representative Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey, have the same
leverage in a narrowly divided House. They want a quick vote on the Senate
infrastructure plan, and have said $3.5 trillion may be too much money to
stomach.
Neil
Bradley, an executive vice president and the chief policy officer of the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce, said the Biden administration should move quickly to pass
the infrastructure bill.
“You’re
going to hold that hostage until you get $3.5 trillion in tax increases and new
government?” he asked. “I think that’s a poor argument.”
But the
Chamber of Commerce does not care about party unity, or the potential rupture
that passage of one measure would cause without the other. Democrats in the
middle pleaded on Tuesday for patience.
“This will
take some time,” Mr. Malinowski said. “I’d be happy to vote for the
infrastructure bill this week, but that would be a mistake.”
Jonathan
Weisman is a congressional correspondent, veteran Washington journalist and
author of the novel “No. 4 Imperial Lane” and the nonfiction book
“(((Semitism))): Being Jewish in America in the Age of Trump.” His career in
journalism stretches back 30 years. @jonathanweisman
Zolan
Kanno-Youngs is a White House correspondent covering a range of domestic and
international issues in the Biden White House, including homeland security and
extremism. He joined The Times in 2019 as the homeland security correspondent. @KannoYoungs
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