Cleaning London of dirty Russian money would be
great – but won’t topple Putin
Simon
Jenkins
The UK government is directing its impotent fury at
the oligarchs it has courted for 20 years. It will achieve little
Fri 4 Mar
2022 08.30 GMT
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/mar/04/london-russian-money-topple-putin-uk-oligarchs
We yearn to
help. Wrong must be put right. Something must be done. The agony was plain on
Boris Johnson’s face as a Ukrainian berated him for refusing to impose a no-fly
zone on Russia. When an outrage is being perpetrated and untold numbers of
people are dying hourly on our screens, impotence is misery. So we loudly voice
our support of Ukraine. We hate Vladimir Putin, hate oligarchs, hate Russians.
It eases our pain.
The early
stages of war are always moments when reason is told to leave. As the drums of
battle roll, courage demands emotion and unity is all. The only resolution is
death or glory. Talk of compromise is treason. This is especially true in
Europe, with its long history of bilateral conflicts that demand to be seen as
“world wars”.
There are
specific actions that Britain can take to ease Ukraine’s suffering, and Britain
has been clearly reluctant to take them. The most immediate is to throw open
Britain’s borders to Ukrainian refugees, as EU countries have done with their
plans to allow Ukrainians to live and work in the EU for up to three years.
London’s Home Office, clearly under orders, turned back desperate refugees in
Paris, demanding work-related visas and “security clearance”. There are also
reports of border bureaucracy at the Channel stalling humanitarian supplies
from local aid centres. The sacred rituals of Johnson’s Brexit must outrank
even Putin’s war.
Beyond
that, horror at what Putin is doing must be expressed through the instrument of
economic sanctions, the hope being that he will see the error of his ways or be
toppled in a coup. The difficulty is that the very fact of war as the ultimate
expression of a nation’s will reduces all other aspects of statehood to
irrelevance. Once under arms, a ruler such as Putin, who has been the target of
severe sanctions for eight years, is plainly deaf to their impact.
Democracies
allow dissent – though even Britain seems unable to tolerate RT’s pro-Russian
propaganda – but dictatorships tend to be strengthened not undermined by
economic siege. Coups are always unpredictable, and we can only pray that
Moscow 2022 will be the exception that disproves the rule. It is puzzling,
therefore, that the west is weakening its case by continuing to buy Russian oil
and gas.
Most
bizarre is the fate of the eccentric bystanders of this drama, the so-called
oligarchs. This freemasonry of mostly expatriate Russians has, for 20 years,
been feted with open arms in London, with gilded retinues of lawyers,
accountants and lifestyle consultants. Their “golden visas” and party donations
enable them to come and go as they please. They are permitted to hide from
taxation, regulation and scrutiny behind shuttered Georgian windows, empty
tower blocks and in secretive British Overseas Territories.
While in
times past Putin is known to have had links with such people, I have seen no
report out of Moscow that indicates they nowadays enjoy any access to or
influence over him, let alone the power to reverse war or depose him. Recent
books by Catherine Belton, Oliver Bullough and others depict him rather as a
mafia boss, terrorising the oligarchs with a mix of extortions, bribes,
imprisonment and attempted murder. But to a desperate British government they
are the only manifestations of Russian power to hand, and must be hurled
symbolically on to Putin’s pyre.
This is not
an attack on Russia so much as a massive course correction in Britain’s attitude
to foreign money. It would be truly ironic if it took the invasion of Ukraine
to cure London of its favouritism towards money launderers, many of whom are
Ukrainian. No one can calculate the sums appropriated to Britain from Russia’s
sovereign assets since 1989, as from other sources of dodgy cash from Africa,
the Gulf and the far east. The British Treasury has long been a co-conspirator
in depriving countries around the world of their rightful revenues.
The
manifestation of this in London is the conversion of its more salubrious
districts into storehouses of vagrant money. It remains outrageous that
individuals can buy and leave vacant whole streets and tower blocks in the
middle of a capital city. They are charged less than £3,000 in annual council
tax for multimillion-pound properties that in New York would be taxed at 50
times that, with local and national income tax on top. The latest research from
Transparency International estimates that 40% of luxury properties on the
London market now go to “suspect” buy-to-leave investors.
Johnson has
long been wildly in favour of this racket. As mayor of London he called these
luxury properties a “thrilling inward investment”. He toured Malaysia to help
sell empty properties at Battersea Power Station and dismissed any critics as
“gloomadon poppers”.
As many
have found, nothing is more dangerous than to have Johnson as a fan. If he
cannot topple Putin, he is determined to at least humble some of his former
associates. But what will he do? Confiscate private houses, fine their owners
for being Russian, expel them from the country? Unless they are criminals, we
surely do not punish people for their nationality.
I enjoy the
company of many Russians and, unlike the government, I do not hold them
responsible for their monstrous ruler. News that Roman Abramovich feels he must
sell his London palace and football team will not lift spirits in a Kyiv bunker
or lose Putin much sleep. If this really signals the end of a long-running
London scandal, then good. But what is needed is action, not words.
The current
economic assault on Russia and Russians is unprecedented and its outcome is
therefore impossible to predict. Feelgood sanctions in the past have inflicted
poverty and injustice on peoples around the world to no political or other
benefit. We can only wait to see if Russia capitulates to them. For the time
being, I am left hoping only that a few oligarch mansions in Kensington find
their way into the hands of Ukrainian refugees.
Simon
Jenkins is a Guardian columnist
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