New Focus on How a Trump Tweet Incited Far-Right
Groups Ahead of Jan. 6
Federal prosecutors and congressional investigators
are documenting how the former president’s “Be there, will be wild!” post
became a catalyst for militants before the Capitol assault.
By Alan
Feuer, Michael S. Schmidt and Luke Broadwater
March 29,
2022
Updated
2:58 p.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/03/29/us/politics/trump-tweet-jan-6.html
Federal
prosecutors and congressional investigators have gathered growing evidence of
how a tweet by President Donald J. Trump less than three weeks before Jan. 6,
2021, served as a crucial call to action for extremist groups that played a
central role in storming the Capitol.
Mr. Trump’s
Twitter post in the early hours of Dec. 19, 2020, was the first time he
publicly urged supporters to come to Washington on the day Congress was
scheduled to certify the Electoral College results showing Joseph R. Biden Jr.
as the winner of the presidential vote. His message — which concluded with, “Be
there, will be wild!” — has long been seen as instrumental in drawing the crowds
that attended a pro-Trump rally on the Ellipse on Jan. 6 and then marched to
the Capitol.
But the
Justice Department’s criminal investigation of the riot and the parallel
inquiry by the House select committee have increasingly shown how Mr. Trump’s post
was a powerful catalyst, particularly for far-right militants who believed he
was facing his final chance to reverse defeat and whose role in fomenting the
violence has come under intense scrutiny.
Extremist
groups almost immediately celebrated Mr. Trump’s Twitter message, which they
widely interpreted as an invitation to descend on the city in force. Responding
to the president’s words, the groups sprang into action, court filings and
interviews by the House committee show: Extremists began to set up encrypted
communications channels, acquire protective gear and, in one case, prepare
heavily armed “quick reaction forces” to be staged outside Washington.
They also
began to whip up their members with a drumbeat of bellicose language, with
their private messaging channels increasingly characterized by what one called
an “apocalyptic tone.” Directly after Mr. Trump’s tweet was posted, the Capitol
Police began to see a spike in right-wing threats against members of Congress.
Prosecutors
have included examples in at least five criminal cases of extremists reacting
within days — often hours — to Mr. Trump’s post.
One of
those who responded to the post was Guy Wesley Reffitt, an oil-field worker
from Texas who this month became the first Jan. 6 defendant to be convicted at
trial. Within a day of Mr. Trump’s Twitter post, Mr. Reffitt was talking about
it on a private group chat with other members of the far-right militia
organization the Texas Three Percenters.
“Our
President will need us. ALL OF US…!!! On January 6th,” Mr. Reffitt wrote. “We
the People owe him that debt. He Sacrificed for us and we must pay that debt.”
The next
day, prosecutors say, Mr. Reffitt began to make arrangements to travel to
Washington and arrive in time for “Armageddon all day” on Jan. 6, he wrote in
the Three Percenters group chat. He told his compatriots that he planned to
drive because flying was impossible with “all the battle rattle” he planned to
bring — a reference to his weapons and body armor, prosecutors say.
Some in the
group appeared to share his anger. On Dec. 22, one member wrote in the chat,
“The only way you will be able to do anything in DC is if you get the crowd to
drag the traitors out.”
Mr. Reffitt
responded: “I don’t think anyone going to DC has any other agenda.”
The House
committee has also sharpened its focus on how the tweet set off a chain
reaction that galvanized Mr. Trump’s supporters to begin military-style
planning for Jan. 6. As part of the congressional inquiry, investigators are
trying to establish whether there was any coordination beyond the post that
ties Mr. Trump’s inner circle to the militants and whether the groups plotted
together.
“That tweet
could be viewed as a call to action,” said Representative Pete Aguilar,
Democrat of California and a member of the committee. “It’s definitely
something we’re asking questions about through our discussions with witnesses.
We want to know whether the president’s tweets inflamed and mobilized
individuals to take action.”
On the day
of the post, participants in TheDonald.win, a pro-Trump chat board, began
sharing tactics and techniques for attacking the Capitol, the committee noted
in a report released on Sunday recommending contempt of Congress charges for
Dan Scavino Jr., Mr. Trump’s former deputy chief of staff. In one thread on the
chat board related to the tweet, the report pointed out, an anonymous poster
wrote that Mr. Trump “can’t exactly openly tell you to revolt. This is the
closest he’ll ever get.’’
Lawyers for
the militants have repeatedly said that the groups were simply acting
defensively in preparing for Jan. 6. They had genuine concerns, the lawyers
said, that leftist counterprotesters might confront them, as they had at
earlier pro-Trump rallies.
Mr. Trump’s
post came as his efforts to hang onto power were shifting from the courts,
where he had little success, to the streets and to challenging the
certification process that would play out on Jan. 6.
A week
before his message, thousands of his supporters had arrived in Washington for
the second time in two months for a large-scale rally protesting the election
results. The event on Dec. 12, 2020, which Mr. Trump flew over in Marine One,
showed his ability to draw huge crowds of ordinary people in support of his
baseless assertions that the election had been stolen.
But it also
brought together at the same time and place extremist and paramilitary groups
like the Proud Boys, the Oath Keepers and the 1st Amendment Praetorian, who
would be present on Jan. 6.
On Dec. 14,
the Electoral College met and officially declared Mr. Biden the winner of the
election.
But behind
closed doors, outside advisers to Mr. Trump were scrambling to pitch him on
plans to seize control of voting machines across the country. The debate over
doing so came to a head in a contentious Oval Office meeting that lasted well into
the evening on Dec. 18, 2020, and ended with the idea being put aside.
Hours
later, the president pushed send on his tweet.
“Big
protest in D.C. on January 6th,” he wrote at 1:42 a.m. on Dec. 19. “Be there,
will be wild!”
Almost at
once, shock waves rippled through the right.
At 2:26
a.m., the prominent white nationalist Nicholas J. Fuentes wrote on Twitter that
he planned to join Mr. Trump in Washington on Jan. 6. By that afternoon, the
post had been mentioned or amplified by other right-wing figures like Ali
Alexander, a high-profile “Stop the Steal” organizer.
But Mr.
Trump’s message arguably landed with the greatest impact among members of the
same extremist groups that had been in Washington on Dec. 12.
On Dec. 15,
Stewart Rhodes, the leader and founder of the Oath Keepers, posted an open
letter to Mr. Trump urging him to invoke the Insurrection Act. The next day,
the national council of the Three Percenters Original group issued a statement,
saying their members were “standing by to answer the call from our president.”
Once the
call came, early on Dec. 19, the extremists were ecstatic.
“Trump said
It’s gonna be wild!!!!!!! It’s gonna be wild!!!!!!!,” Kelly Meggs, a Florida
leader of the Oath Keepers, wrote on Facebook on Dec. 22. “He wants us to make
it WILD that’s what he’s saying. He called us all to the Capitol and wants us
to make it wild!!! Sir Yes Sir!!! Gentlemen we are heading to DC.”
That same
day, Mr. Rhodes did an interview with one of his lieutenants and declared that
there would be “a massively bloody revolution” if Mr. Biden took office.
On Dec. 23,
Mr. Rhodes posted another letter saying that “tens of thousands of patriot
Americans” would be in Washington on Jan. 6, and that many would have their
“mission-critical gear” stowed outside the city.
The letter
said members of the group — largely composed of former military and law
enforcement personnel — might have to “take arms in defense of our God-given
liberty.”
Trump’s
tweet. Weeks before the Jan 6 attack, President Donald J. Trump sent a tweet
that ended “Be there, will be wild!” Federal prosecutors and congressional
investigators have gathered growing evidence of how this tweet was a crucial
call to action for militants in the riot.
Judge says
Trump likely committed crimes. In a court filing in a civil case, the Jan. 6
House committee laid out the crimes it believed Mr. Trump might have committed.
The federal judge assigned to the case ruled that Mr. Trump most likely
committed felonies in trying to overturn the 2020 election.
Virginia
Thomas’s text messages. In the weeks before the Capitol riot, Virginia Thomas,
the wife of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, sent several texts imploring
Mark Meadows, President Trump’s chief of staff, to take steps to overturn the
election. The Jan. 6 House committee is likely to seek an interview with Ms.
Thomas, said those familiar with the matter.
Contempt
charges. The Jan. 6 House committee voted to recommend criminal contempt of
Congress charges against Peter Navarro, a former White House adviser, and Dan
Scavino Jr., a former deputy chief of staff, for refusing to comply with its
subpoenas.
By the end
of December, court filings say, the Oath Keepers had reserved three hotel rooms
in Arlington, Va. The rooms were meant as a staging ground for three teams of
armed militiamen poised to rush across the river into Washington on Jan. 6 if
needed.
On New
Year’s Eve, court papers say, one team member from Arizona told Mr. Rhodes that
his men were ready. “Everyone coming has their own technical equipment and
knows how to use it,” the militiaman wrote in an encrypted message to his
leader.
By then, prosecutors
say, Mr. Rhodes seemed set on action.
“There is
no standard political or legal way out of this,” he wrote to his group.
The Proud
Boys — who had long been some of Mr. Trump’s most ardent supporters — also
viewed his message as a clarion call, prosecutors say.
On the same
day it was posted, Joseph Biggs, a Proud Boy leader from Florida, sent a
private message to the group’s chairman, Enrique Tarrio, suggesting that they
had to start recruiting better members — “not losers who wanna drink,” as he
put it.
“Let’s get
radical and get real men,” Mr. Biggs wrote.
The next
day, Mr. Tarrio established a crew of “hand-selected members” for rallies that
was known internally as the Ministry of Self-Defense, or MOSD, according to an
indictment released this month. As MOSD turned its attention to Jan. 6, court
papers say, Mr. Tarrio set up an encrypted Telegram chat for the group.
Two days
after Christmas, Charles Donohoe, a Proud Boys leader from North Carolina,
posted a message complaining that local officials in Washington appeared to be
planning to restrict access to the city on Jan. 6. “They want to limit the
presence so they can deny Trump has the People’s support,” Mr. Donohoe wrote.
“We can’t let them succeed.”
The next
week, another MOSD member posted a message reading, “Time to stack those bodies
in front of Capitol Hill.” A third member raised the prospect of a mob of
“normies” — or normal people — pushing through police lines and breaking into
the Capitol.
At the same
time, prosecutors say, other Proud Boys were setting up crowdfunding campaigns
for travel expenses and “protective gear and communications.” As the year came
to an end, Mr. Tarrio posted a message on social media saying that the Proud
Boys intended to “turn out in record numbers on Jan. 6th” but this time “with a
twist.”
“We will
not be wearing our traditional Black and Yellow,” he wrote, a reference to the
Fred Perry polo shirts favored by the group. “We will be incognito and we will
be spread across downtown DC in smaller teams.”
On Dec. 21,
the intelligence arm of the Capitol Police issued a 7-page report tracking an
increase in activity on TheDonald.win, which made threatening references to
potentially trapping lawmakers in the tunnels of the Capitol. The report listed
militia groups expected to descend on Capitol Hill for Jan. 6, including the
Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers.
The report
also stated that Trump supporters were promoting “confronting members of
Congress and carrying firearms during the protest.”
It included
more than two dozen comments from posters, including:
“Forget the
tunnels. Get into Capitol Building.”
“Surround
every building with a tunnel entrance/exit. They better dig a tunnel all the
way to China if they want to escape.”
And: “Bring
guns. It’s now or never”
Alan Feuer
covers courts and criminal justice for the Metro desk. He has written about
mobsters, jails, police misconduct, wrongful convictions, government corruption
and El Chapo, the jailed chief of the Sinaloa drug cartel. He joined The Times
in 1999. @alanfeuer
Michael S.
Schmidt is a Washington correspondent covering national security and federal
investigations. He was part of two teams that won Pulitzer Prizes in 2018 — one
for reporting on workplace sexual harassment and the other for coverage of
President Trump and his campaign’s ties to Russia. @NYTMike
Luke
Broadwater covers Congress. He was the lead reporter on a series of
investigative articles at The Baltimore Sun that won a Pulitzer Prize and a
George Polk Award in 2020. @lukebroadwater
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