Marjorie Taylor Greene keeps rising in Republican
ranks despite ‘loony lies’
Adam
Gabbatt
Adam
Gabbatt
@adamgabbatt
Sat 28 Jan
2023 02.00 EST
When
Marjorie Taylor Greene was elected to America’s House of Representatives in
2020, she became one of the most visible of a wave of extremists to enter the
Republican party whose often bizarre utterings stretched the bounds of what had
previously been the norm of US politics.
The
Georgian congresswoman, who has suggested Jewish space lasers are responsible
for wildfires, speculated whether 9/11 was a hoax and supported the QAnon
conspiracy theory, was part of a new wave of Trumpian Republicans and was
mocked, ridiculed and reviled in equal measure – including by some in her own
party.
But in
2023, Greene is now firmly on her way to becoming one of the senior figures in
the Republican party. She has become a favorite, and key ally, of Kevin
McCarthy, the new House speaker, and preparing to take up assignments on some
of Congress’s most prominent committees.
It’s been a
remarkable rise that few could have seen coming during a checkered first half
of 2021, when Greene was making her name known through her penchant for
unhinged conspiracy theories and strange remarks, but her ascension to the
upper echelons of the GOP was confirmed this week by McCarthy, in an interview
with the New York Times.
“If you’re
going to be in a fight, you want Marjorie in your foxhole,” McCarthy said.
“When she
picks a fight, she’s going to fight until the fight’s over. She reminds me of
my friends from high school, that we’re going to stick together all the way
through.”
This
apparent fondness for a tussle has seen Greene rewarded with positions on the
homeland security committee, despite her previously musing that no plane
crashed into the Pentagon on 9/11, and on the oversight committee, where she is
expected to be part of a subcommittee investigating the government’s response
to the Covid-19 pandemic.
If the latter
seems problematic, given Greene’s loudly stated suspicions and conspiracy
theories about the pandemic – in January she was permanently banned from
Twitter for repeatedly violating rules about Covid-19 misinformation – then
that’s only because lots of things Greene has said and done are problematic.
In 2021
Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican leader, condemned Greene’s “loony lies
and conspiracy theories” in relation to Greene having claimed support for
executing Democratic politicians and harassing the survivor of a mass school
shooting.
Later that
year McCarthy himself, who had earlier attempted to avoid conflict, felt
compelled to step in after Greene compared Covid masking rules to the treatment
of Jewish people in Nazi Germany.
“Marjorie
is wrong, and her intentional decision to compare the horrors of the Holocaust
with wearing masks is appalling,” McCarthy said.
“The
Holocaust is the greatest atrocity committed in history. The fact that this
needs to be stated today is deeply troubling,” he said.
The
multiple rebukes, and the egregiousness of Greene’s beliefs – whether disavowed
or not – make her rise to prominence, as she takes up her seat on some of
Congress’s most powerful committees, all the more remarkable.
Greene’s
rapid recent rise began when she backed McCarthy for the House leadership, two
months ahead of the ultimately farcical vote that saw him elected after 15
ballots. Greene had got in early, declaring her support in November on Steve
Bannon’s podcast.
For
McCarthy, who has been an unpopular figure among far-right voters and politicians
– it was a selection of the latter that meant the manner of his ascension to
speaker was embarrassing at best, it was a boost he needed.
McCarthy
and Greene had spent months forging a working relationship they believed could
be beneficial for both, with Greene placating the zaniest wing of both
Republicans in the House and voters at home, and McCarthy providing relevance
to someone who had been stripped of her committee assignments in 2021, leaving
her, essentially, having nothing to do in Washington.
The New
York Times reported that McCarthy, as he prepared to take up the speakership,
had been mindful of the problems his centrist predecessors, John Boehner and
Paul Ryan, faced in dealing with their furthest-right colleagues.
Both Ryan
and Boehner – who would later describe some of his rightwing colleagues as
“assholes” – endured battles with the Freedom Caucus, a conservative and often
obstructionist group of GOP congressmen, when trying to pass legislation.
Greene
remains one of the most popular figures among Trump supporters and believers,
evidenced by her 758,000 followers on Trump’s Truth Social website – McCarthy
has 113,000, Steve Scalise, the House majority leader, has 109,000 – and enjoys
a close relationship with the former president, even calling Trump from the
House floor during the debacle of January’s leadership vote.
Greene is
also a successful fundraiser, bringing in $12.5m in the 2021-22 election cycle,
the fifth most of any Republican representative, her popularity among the base
and alignment with Trump making her the model of the new Republican politician.
On Greene’s
part, she has sought to sanitize, somewhat, the ill-informed, conspiracy-minded
viewpoints that have characterized her political career. In early 2022 Greene
began a deliberate, “methodical” reinvention, a confidante told the Washington
Post.
From her
position on the sidelines, with a congressional office but no meaningful role
in the House, she began to think of the future. Greene, like most observers,
believed McCarthy would be the next House speaker, and saw a role for herself
as a bridge between the far right and the less kooky Republicans, the Post
reported.
As she
tried to make herself palatable to a wider audience, Greene set about trying
not to speak at any more white nationalist rallies, or discuss the “gazpacho
police” who are apparently patrolling the US Capitol. (Her remark was widely
understood to mean Gestapo.) She is also yet to repeat her 2018 claim that the
Clinton family orchestrated the plane crash that killed John F Kennedy Jr more
than two decades ago.
In addition
to this new reserve, Greene hired a new aide with a track record in
conventional conservative politics, and eventually began meeting with McCarthy
once a week, as the pair forged a close bond, each aware of the potential
benefits.
McCarthy
would go on to win the speakership. But his concessions to the right,
personified by his promotion of Greene, have come at a cost. Already McCarthy
has pursued Greene-backed, far-right strategies on vaccines and treatment of
January 6 perpetrators, something that has left Greene delighted.
“People
need to understand that it isn’t just me that deserves credit,” Greene told the
New York Times.
“It is the
will and the voice of our base that was heard, and Kevin listened to them. I
was just a vehicle much of the time.”
If Greene was
displaying an amount of faux humility, her conviction that she is channeling
the will of the people and willingness to make it heard are a warning as to the
level of influence she now wields.
In her new
roles Greene said she will be investigating: “How many of our enemies got
pallets of cash!?” from Covid-19 unemployment benefits, a question she posed
without any context or explanation, and has pledged to impeach the homeland
security secretary, Alejandro Mayorkas, for his perceived failures in handling
immigration.
From
Greene’s political position in February 2021, when she was removed from her
committee assignments by Democrats – and some Republicans – in a rebuke over
incendiary and racist statements, which included her posting a mocked-up image
of her holding a gun next to three Democratic lawmakers, all women of color, on
Facebook, it has been a remarkable turnaround.
Less than
two years on, Greene has taken up positions on two of the most prominent
committees in the House. She has a metaphorical seat at the House speaker’s
right hand, and will enjoy the visibility that all this brings.
It’s a
testament to how quickly things can change in politics, but also a very visible
reminder of what the Republican party increasingly stands for.
Greene may
have sought to sanitize her image, but it is clear that her brand of populism,
outrage and misinformation is not the embarrassment it once was to the party
leadership: this is the modern version of the Republican party.
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