Germany's
Kingmakers
Difficult Talks Ahead for Greens and Free
Democrats
The Green Party and the business-friendly Free
Democrats plan to hold exploratory talks with each other before meeting with
the main chancellor candidates in the coming days. They appear to be worlds
apart but are already finding some common ground.
By Valerie
Höhne, Jonas Schaible, Christoph Schult und Severin Weiland
28.09.2021,
17.55 Uhr
At a Monday
press conference, German Green Party leaders were asked whether they would be
able to explain to the business-friendly Free Democratic Party (FDP) that money
is an artificial concept but that CO2 emissions are very real. The assumption
behind the question was clear: Good luck! But Green Party leader Robert Habeck
had a different take: "Following the election, people are now taking a new
look. And I wouldn't exclude us from that. We can also reconsider certain
issues and perhaps weigh the arguments of others in a more relaxed way.” He
said he was very hopeful.
FDP leader
Christian Lindner also continued Monday with the message he initiated on
election night: measured praise for the potential coalition partner. The Union
(CDU/CSU) and the Social Democrats (SPD) are not parties of change, he said. In
talks between his party and the Greens, it would therefore be necessary to
examine "whether, despite all the differences, this could become the
progressive center of a new coalition government," even if that seems like
a bit of a stretch.
What a
difference a day makes: In the run-up to Sunday’s election, the Greens and FDP
had largely scorned and criticized each other. Lindner scoffed at the Green
Party’s fantasy world, and former Green Party chair Cem Özdemir lashed out at
the economically laissez faire FDP’s über-faith in technology for solving the
climate change problem.
But once it
became clear after the polls closed that both Armin Laschet of the CDU and Olaf
Scholz of the SPD would need the FDP and the Greens if either wanted to become
chancellor, the tone changed. It began on election night with cautious
flirtation, but after the parties’ committee meetings on Monday, it’s starting
to look a lot more like open courting.
None of the
participants has any illusions that true love is at stake, but they would like
to see more come out of it in the end than just a marriage of convenience.
During the election campaign, both parties highlighted the country's need for
reform.
In the
coming days, the leaders of both parties want to sound each other out in small
meetings, so-called "exploratory talks.” On Monday, Lindner obtained
permission from his party’s national executive committee to start those
discussions. They are expected to begin "promptly” and will be attended
only by Lindner and FDP General Secretary Volker Wissing. After that, the party
would be "open” to talks with further partners.
Lindner
revealed that he had spoken on the phone with chancellor candidates Scholz and
Laschet as well as Habeck of the Greens after the polls closed on Sunday night.
The FDP leader didn’t want to talk about specific policies, but he made clear
in an aside that he is counting on a trusting partnership. "I haven’t
agreed with Mr. Habeck yet what we will communicate about the content of these
talks,” he said.
For his
part, Habeck would not comment on any talks during the Green Party’s press
conference. He said that both a possible coalition with the center-right
Christian Democrats and the FDP and a possible government with the center-left
SPD and the FDP followed a "completely separate logic.” He added that it
made sense to explore common projects.
The FDP
would still prefer to join a government with the CDU’s Laschet as chancellor
and the Greens in a "Jamaica,” coalition, so named for the colors
affiliated with the three parties. The Greens, however, would prefer to form a
"traffic light” coalition with the SPD and the FDP. The idea is to leave
the question of which chancellor candidate they prefer out of the initial
talks.
The parties
would instead try to build trust, which is indeed lacking. Lindner said that a
"climate of trust” needs to be established. There is no bond at all between
Lindner and Baerbock. The FDP chief's relationship with Habeck is slightly
better, but hardly solid.
Asked at
the Green Party’s press conference about any possible similarities with the
FDP, Baerbock jokingly said that Lindner and she were about the same age, that
Habeck and Lindner were both men and that they probably all enjoyed eating ice
cream. Not exactly a strong foundation.
One
potential bridge-builder could be FDP deputy head Wolfgang Kubicki, who worked
with Habeck in the state of Schleswig-Holstein to launch a coalition government
together with the CDU there. But many Greens hold a skeptical view of him.
Other potential bridge-builders could be Britta Hasselmann and Marco Buschmann,
both senior officials in the parliamentary groups of the Greens and FDP
respectively.
The second
goal of the talks is to break the camp dynamic, so that the Christian Democrats
and the FDP aren’t on one side and the SPD and the Greens on the other.
The third
aim is then to identify areas of agreement and brainstorm ways in which major
differences could be bridged.
If you talk
to political strategists in both parties, it doesn't take long for a mention of
a civil rights coalition to come up. Specifically, they say they could imagine
placing security agencies under greater scrutiny and they could abolish
Germany’s ban on advertisements for abortions and the country's data retention
laws.
They would
also consider an amendment to the country’s Transsexual Act that would make it
easier for people to decide on the gender they choose to register without
hurdles.
Both parties
would also like to lower the minimum age for voting in Germany from 18 to 16 –
hardly a surprising step given that both parties attract a lot of first-time
voters.
Both the
FDP and the Greens also want to legalize cannabis.
There is
also agreement on the issues of digitalization and education. Most within the
FDP would like to see a greater role for the federal government in education
policies, as do many Greens - except for those who are part of state
governments and want to maintain the current state-level control over schools.
But those
issues weren’t dominant in either party’s campaign. The FDP focused on taxes
and pensions and the Greens on climate change and social issues. As such,
putting the focus on civil rights and education wouldn’t likely go far enough
for building the foundations for a coalition government.
Still,
compromises are also conceivable in financial and climate policy. The minimum
demands from the FDP side are likely to be the elimination of the solidarity
tax, a levy used to help finance German reunification, and the renunciation of
the wealth tax some on the left have been calling for. Members of the FDP are
calculating that neither of those issues will be too difficult for the Greens.
It’s also
possible that Germany’s Federal Constitutional Court will soon overturn the
solidarity tax. Some Greens have also now come to realize that a wealth tax
could turn out to be extremely bureaucratic without even bringing in that much
money. One compromise could be a reform of the country’s inheritance tax, which
is something the FDP would likely be willing to get onboard with. In addition,
leading members of the FDP are considering offering ways to provide the Greens
with relief for middle- and lower-income earners.
Although
some in the FDP are already willing to talk about concrete ideas, the Greens
are more skeptical. The Greens’ self-confidence as an issues-based party seems
significant. They have emphasized that they have provided a plan for how they
intend to finance their election pledges, but the FDP has been more vague.
Lindner, they say, will have to be more precise about how he wants to turn his
promises into reality.
Climate Change: An Issue Ripe for Conflict
Without a
doubt, the toughest nut to crack will be climate policy. Though the Greens
aren’t against the idea of comprehensive emissions trading in principle, they
do have two major concerns. First, they worry that prices for CO2 certificates
could go through the roof – a development many Greens consider to be socially
unfair and also the wrong path to go down. Second, even in an ideal case, it
would likely take years to extend certificate trading to all sectors across the
EU.
What should
happen in during the interim?
Rely on
technological innovation alone as the FDP has proposed? The Greens would never
be satisfied with that. The FDP would have to make overtures to the Greens on
this front – by supporting the elimination of coal as an energy source in
Germany at a date earlier than planned. A ban on internal combustion engines
would also be a conceivable compromise for the FDP, especially given that the
German automobile industry has announced that manufacturers will only be
building electric cars in the future anyway. As such, both sides could save
face without taking much risk.
The FDP and
the Greens are taking the exploratory talks of the next few days very
seriously, because they each have a lot at stake. They’re also prisoners of
their own rhetoric, which they have used to fuel considerable expectations on
many issues. Many within the FDP party are keen to be a part of the government
again, but some are also still struggling from the collapsed negotiation talks
four years ago to form a government with the CDU and Greens.
One of the
FDP’s campaign slogans was, "Things can’t go on as they are.” The line was
directed against the grand coalition government of the past eight years, which
paired Merkel’s conservatives with the center-left SPD. If talks between the
Greens and the FDP collapse, that self-same grand coalition would be the only
realistic alternative – and it would be a very difficult one to explain to
voters.
The Greens
also come into the talks with one critical commitment: the expansion of
renewable energies, a faster phase-out of fossil fuels and more decisive action
on climate protection. The party has formulated major goals. One of the central
messages coming from Green chancellor candidate Annalena Baerbock is that the
next government will be the last one that can still actively influence the
climate crisis. By doing so, the Greens have set a moral tone that almost
obligates them to take responsibility.
If the
Greens were to pull out of exploratory talks in the same way the FDP did in the
autumn of 2017, the promises made during the election campaign would come back
to haunt them.
Looking for Common Ground
As everyone
involved knows, a three-party coalition will be a difficult affair. Who will
prevail with which issues? Will it be capable of delivering renewal? Joachim
Stamp, the head of the state chapter of the FDP and deputy governor in North
Rhine-Westphalia told DER SPIEGEL that such a coalition should "think big”
in terms of projects like digitalization, education and climate protection.
"It shouldn’t be a slapdash affair."
At any
rate, both parties seem to have the will to give it a good shot. And a plan is
already in place. DER SPIEGEL has learned that a dinner is to be organized in
the next few days with Green Party leaders Baerbock and Habeck and FDP leader
Lindner and FDP General Secretary Volker Wissing in attendance. After that, the
parties’ experts on issues are expected to form small working groups. That’s
how the Greens and the FDP found enough common ground in the state of
Schleswig-Holstein to join a coalition government there in 2017.
And if they
can't reach agreement? One idea involves simply being open about their
differences and presenting them to Laschet and Scholz. They should then compete
against each other to come up with the best solution.
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