Com todas as atenções
dirigidas aos resultados na Áustria e em Itália , não esquecer no
entanto este dia decisivo para o processo Brexit com a veredicto
definitivo do Supremo Tribunal, depois do apelo do Governo, sobre o
papel do Parlamento no processo de Brexit
OVOODOCORVO
Senior
judges prepare to hear Brexit supreme court appeal
Four-day
hearing on whether parliament or government has right to trigger
article 50 will be broadcast live
Owen
Bowcott and Peter Walker
Monday
5 December 2016 08.38 GMT
All 11 of the UK’s
most senior judges will take their seats on the supreme court bench
on Monday to decide whether parliament or the government has the
authority to trigger Brexit.
The four-day hearing
on the divisive constitutional issue will be broadcast live, testing
the public’s appetite for intricate legal argument, arcane
vocabulary and historical precedents.
The “justices”,
as supreme court judges are known, may still be pondering their
conclusions as they digest their Christmas puddings; their eagerly
awaited judgment is not expected to be delivered until January.
Emotions are running
high. Ukip has accused those behind the claim of being “arrogant
federalists” intent on blocking Brexit, the Daily Mail has branded
the high court judges who found against the government in the first
round as “enemies of the people” and individual challengers –
such as Gina Miller – have received death threats.
Nigel Farage’s
pledge to lead a protest march of 100,000 Brexiters to the doors of
the court may have receded, but the high-ceilinged courtroom will be
packed with senior law officers and QCs from Scotland, Northern
Ireland and Wales as well as the rival claimants’ legal teams and
interveners.
On Monday, Labour’s
shadow attorney general, Shami Chakrabarti, said the political aspect
of the case had been “hyped in parts of the media”. She said:
“This is about process. It is not about outcomes.”
Chakrabarti told BBC
Radio 4’s Today programme: “It’s not just about doing it or not
doing it. There are lots of questions to be decided about what
happens next – how we live after Brexit, what our relationship will
be with the remaining states of the European Union.”
She said it was
unfair for newspapers to delve into the personal lives or supposed
opinions of the judges.
“They have to be
referees of the constitution,” she said. “If we start dragging
these people through the media or through politics, putting them
through a kind of political scrutiny – people like me are fair
game, but the judges are not fair game. They cannot speak up for
themselves. We all need them in the end if we’re going to settle
our disputes in a civilised way in a courtroom.”
The panel of 11
justices is the largest ever assembled for a single case since the
law lords were created in 1876. Such judicial mass mobilisation is
recognition of the constitutional significance and political
sensitivity of the hearing.
The bench will be
led by the president of the supreme court, Lord Neuberger, and his
deputy, Lady Hale. There are 12 justices on the court but one has
recently retired and is yet to be replaced. The court normally sits
in panels of five; an odd number is always required to ensure there
cannot be a tie.
The court is housed
in the neo-Tudor exuberance of what was once Middlesex County Hall,
Westminster, opposite parliament. Its proceedings are less archaic
than most crown courts: wigs are no longer worn and hearings are
routinely broadcast live online. Most documents will be in digital
versions. Daily transcripts of the hearing will be published.
The legal dispute is
over who has authority to notify Brussels formally that Britain is
withdrawing under article 50 of the treaty on European Union (TEU) –
parliament or ministers.
Article 50 states
that any member state may leave “in accordance with its own
constitutional requirements”, an undefined term that has allowed
both sides to pursue rival interpretations. The case has opened deep
rifts in the consensus over the UK’s unwritten constitution.
Having lost by a
three-nil ruling at the high court, there was speculation that the
government would switch its argument on appeal and tell the court
that article 50, which triggers Brexit, can be reversed at a future
date by parliament. That would enable ministers to say that once
triggered, MPs would have a subsequent opportunity to control the
process.
Acknowledging that
Brexit is not irrevocable would, however, be politically awkward for
the prime minister and could risk the case being referred to the
European court of justice (ECJ) in Luxembourg, the EU’s highest
court, for clarification of the treaty’s meaning.
Such a diversion –
apart from handing European judges power over the most intimate
working of the UK’s constitution – would delay Brexit for months.
None of the main parties is eager for a referral to Luxembourg.
The justices are
unlikely to want it either but may not be able to ignore the question
entirely. Some of the appellants from Northern Ireland argue in their
submission that “if the court feels that anything turns on this
issue ... plainly it is an issue of EU law which should be referred
to the court of justice of the European Union”.
Legal submissions
are due to be opened by the attorney general for England and Wales,
Jeremy Wright QC, who will outline the government’s argument that
executive powers, inherited through what was once the royal
prerogative, are sufficient to sign and authorise international
treaties.
The industrious
James Eadie QC, whose work as “Treasury devil” requires him to be
present at innumerable cases involving the government, will pick up
the more detailed line of reasoning along with Jason Coppel QC. The
Brexit secretary, David Davis MP, formally the respondent in the
case, is not expected to be present in court.
As well as Wright,
who is a Conservative MP, other senior law officers taking part
include the counsel general for Wales, Mick Antoniw, who is a Labour
member of the Welsh assembly, Scotland’s lord advocate, James
Wolffe QC, and the attorney general for Northern Ireland, John Larkin
QC.
The original
challengers have retained a host of successful QCs to develop their
assertion that the government cannot arbitrarily remove rights
established through domestic legislation by executive decree.
Parliamentary sovereignty, they maintain, is supreme.
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