The
Guardian view on the Trump-May meeting: they are playing with fire
Editorial
Friday 27 January
2017 19.46 GMT
It could have been a
disaster. But it wasn’t. The prime minister survived her first
ordeal by Trump
Most of Theresa
May’s visit to the United States this week followed a fairly
familiar pattern for such trips. Except for one thing. The press
conference between the prime minister and Donald Trump in the White
House today was an off-the-scale risk. Politically, it was a dash
across sniper’s alley. Mr Trump might again say something new and
shocking. Mrs May would have to respond. Not surprisingly, there was
doubt about whether there would even be a press conference. Rightly,
it went ahead. The stakes for both leaders were very high and
different. But they got safely to the other side.
The dangers all
concerned Mr Trump. He duly said some provocative things and some
embarrassing ones. He repeated his support for waterboarding and
torture, several times, which was shameful. He said he was up for a
great relationship with Vladimir Putin, which Mrs May was not. He was
rude about Mexico. He was angry, with a smile on his face, with the
BBC’s political editor. His performance was a reminder of the
immense damage his election has already done to America and its place
in the world. But he said nothing new that will add massively to the
many rows and outrages in which he is already embroiled.
For Mrs May the
danger was of being collateral damage in a Trump explosion. Since
there was no explosion, she will count the event and the visit more
generally as successes. Her speech in Philadelphia on Thursday night
raised her profile and went down well, deservedly so in some ways.
The prime minister may even be tempted to think that she can take
some credit for Mr Trump’s good – or less bad – behaviour. That
may seem naive if Mr Trump’s state visit to the UK implodes or
turns sour in some way later in the year. Mrs May should beware any
feeling of confidence about her relationship with the new president.
Other prime ministers have passed this way before and ended up
humiliated.
The big political
prize for Mrs May was her assertion, not repeated by Mr Trump but not
denied either, that the president is 100% behind Nato. This is an
important outcome, if true. The message will be heard in every Nato
capital, especially in eastern parts of Europe, and will be heard in
the Kremlin too. Quite what Mr Trump’s 100% support means in
practice remains to be seen. Mrs May seemed very keen to lobby for
all Nato states to raise their spending level and to raise their
defence equipment spending too. It is hard to know whether,
post-Brexit, she has the clout or whether she and other Europeans see
eye-to-eye on outcomes. Yet, given Mr Trump’s earlier scorn for
Nato, this was a big prize.
It is, though, early
days, as Mr Trump himself said. That applies in particular to any
prospective trade deal between the UK and the US. The US is
traditionally a powerful and an uncompromising trade negotiator. It
looks to advance American interests, not those of its partners – as
Mr Trump made clear on Mexico. Nothing will happen soon, and London’s
optimism is almost certainly misplaced. Mr Trump’s vocal embrace of
Brexit will have caused real anxiety in Brussels and around the EU –
and annoyed his UK opponents too. Mrs May’s eagerness to get round
the table in the Oval Office will be seen by some as a disruptive act
against the EU, whatever she herself thinks. The French presidential
hopeful Emmanuel Macron said precisely this today.
The main danger
facing any British prime minister in the relationship with America is
hubris. Pushed by the press and fired by Britain’s seemingly
indestructible institutional desire to be loved by America, prime
ministers feel the need to seize first friend status and hug it
close. Sometimes, however, this can become a destructive desire, as
Tony Blair found in his relationship with George W Bush. These visits
ought not to matter too much. But they do. Mrs May will feel that she
did well. All of us are glad it is now over. In the end, though, Mr
Trump is the master of his own fate and, if Mrs May is not careful,
he will be master of hers as well.
5
takeaways from the May-Trump talks
The
British prime minister has tied her fortunes to the new American
president. It’s going to be a bumpy ride.
By TOM
MCTAGUE 1/27/17, 11:30 PM CET Updated 1/28/17, 10:50 AM CET
WASHINGTON — This
was the moment Theresa May came face to face with the great American
bear.
Donald Trump was
courteous, calm and funny as he held his first press conference with
a world leader since becoming president — pulling faces, joking
with reporters and repeatedly praising a “most special
relationship” with the U.K., ticking the same diplomatic box every
U.S. leader feels compelled to tick.
He looked pleased as
May announced the Queen had invited him to Britain later this year.
The pair had already bonded over a bust of Winston Churchill,
returned to the Oval Office after an eight-year sojourn in the less
photographed corridors of the White House.
And yet the
president was defiantly, unmistakably himself. This was no watered
down Trump, tamed by the responsibilities of office.
When May reaffirmed
Britain’s commitment to sanctions on Russia, Trump did not. When
May announced the U.S. president was “100 percent” committed to
NATO, Trump muttered “true” but nothing more.
On torture, he
repeated his view that it worked. On Brexit, he said it was
“fantastic” that Britain was finally “free and independent.”
The U.K. prime minister smiled at all the right moments, and will be
pleased with Trump’s warm words for Britain, but this was
uncomfortable stuff.
It is, however, her
new reality. Over 48 hours in the U.S., the U.K. prime minster has
indelibly tied her fortunes to those of the new man in the White
House.
Here are five
takeaways from the opening scene of this most unlikely of political
romances.
1) Trump can’t be
tamed
If May came to
Washington looking for reassurances on key diplomatic differences,
Trump’s press conference performance must be chalked up as a loss.
May managed to
extract one concession — on NATO — but only just. There was no
commitment on trade, notably warm words for Russia and praise for
torture. In Britain’s eyes: Not good.
In her opening
remarks, May pulled the equivalent of a diplomatic fast one,
shoehorning in Trump’s private reassurance about his commitment to
the NATO military alliance. That she had to do that perhaps says more
about Trump’s real feelings on the issue.
When pressed by U.S.
reporters about his views on Russia, Trump was defiant. “If we can
have a great relationship with Russia and China and with all
countries I’m all for that. If we can, that would be a positive.”
He went further. If
relations between Washington and the Kremlin are as good as those
between the U.S. and U.K. that would be great, he said.
British prime
ministers aren’t used to hearing that. A special relationship isn’t
so special if everyone has one.
2) Quiet menace
“That was your
choice for a question? There goes that relationship!”
This was Trump’s
response to a humdinger of a question from the BBC’s Political
Editor Laura Kuenssberg, who pointed out his controversial views on
muslims, abortion and torture weren’t exactly popular in some parts
of the U.K.
Trump’s response
was funny — but even more so, perhaps, because it contained an
element of truth.
Downing Street
clearly believes Trump responds well to praise and carefully
choreographed every element of this week’s trip to the U.S.
accordingly.
May went out of her
way to hail his “stunning” election victory, declaring her
delight at being able to congratulate him in person.
But for the next
four years it’s clear there is going to be a lot of treading on
diplomatic eggshells.
Trump was clear in
his view that America is being ripped off and that he is the strong
leader it needs to stand up for itself again, whether Britain likes
it or not.
3) A vassal state?
As May arrived at
the White House, driven past a procession of American flags and
greeted by the president on the steps of the West Wing, it was like a
regional governor returning to Rome to greet the new emperor.
French presidential
hopeful Emmanuel Macron has said May’s tour of the U.S. exposes
Britain’s status as a “vassal” state of the U.S. empire.
But May is no
pushover and was determined to make it known, contradicting the
president on Russian sanctions and insisting she will not shy away
from confrontation. The U.K. prime minister’s visit was no
Washington sideshow either. The vast East Room in the White House was
packed with U.S. and British reporters, camera crews and TV anchors.
But the interest was
clearly not so much in what May had to say, but how this most
unpredictable of politicians was going to behave — and what he was
going to do about Mexico, Putin and China.
The U.K. may well
get its special relationship with Trump, but it remains unclear
whether this will have any impact on his wider behavior.
4) Symbolism matters
As the two leaders
walked from the East Room press conference down the White House
colonnade to the West Wing for lunch, Trump took the British prime
minister by the hand, patting it slightly.
The president is
unlikely to try that with Vladimir Putin.
May looked
untroubled but it is unlikely to be the image she wants beamed back
to Britain. She wanted warm but businesslike. This was not it.
Despite that image, the talks went down well with the British press:
“Trump blesses Britain,” said the Times. “Love-in at the White
House” was the Daily Mail’s front page headline.
The personal
chemistry between the two leaders is crucial. But the relationship
between their top teams is almost as important on a functional,
day-to-day level.
At the press
conference all the main players were in the room.
Steve Bannon, the
president’s ideological inspiration, came in smiling and shaking
hands with all May’s top team, including ambassador Kim Darroch,
whom he appeared to know well.
Kellyanne Conway,
Trump’s campaign manager during his run for president, was second
row back. Sean Spicer barked instructions before the two leaders
emerged.
The night before,
May held a drinks reception at the British ambassador’s residence,
giving her the chance to speak privately with most of Trump’s key
cabinet appointments including “Mad Dog” James Mattis and Wilbur
Ross — the man who, as Trump’s nominee for commerce secretary,
will negotiate the U.K.-U.S. trade deal on which May has placed so
much credit.
The two teams were
also present at the White House talks Friday and for lunch with the
two leaders afterwards (they had blue cheese salad, beef shortribs
with potato purée and winter vegetables and a salted caramel creme
brûlée).
5) Mayism takes
shape
From ribs in
Washington with one strongman leader to coffee in Ankara with
another.
Direct from talks
with president Trump in the White House, May jets overnight to Turkey
for talks with President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
What either man does
domestically appears of little interest to May. On the plane out to
the U.S. May was asked what she would do to represent Britain’s
muslim community in talks with Trump. Her reply involved everything
that she could do for them at home. Pressed on whether she had a duty
to represent British muslims, she shot back that she was in
Washington to represent all of the United Kingdom.
To May, it’s the
national interest above all else. Human rights can wait.
In her speech to
Republican leaders in Philadelphia Thursday she declared the end of
liberal interventionism. On Friday she declared Mexico’s problems
with Trump a matter for Mexico and Trump and none of her business. On
Saturday she will begin deepening the relationship with Erdoğan
regardless of his increasingly authoritarian turn.
In a world of strong
men, turmoil, Brexit and Trump, Britain’s second female prime
minister is prepared to work with whoever looks likely to make the
U.K. more secure, from both terror and economic shocks.
This article has
been updated to clarify Donald Trump’s reaction to Theresa May’s
NATO comments.
Authors:
Tom McTague
Never
mind the optics, Theresa May’s US dash was mortifying
Jonathan Freedland
Sure,
it went fine – Trump managed not to drop any bombshells. But this
hasty visit smacks of desperation
Friday
27 January 2017 20.50 GMT
In normal times,
you’d say everything went swimmingly. Sure, the American president
seemed a tad unsure how to say the name of his guest – whom he
greeted as Ter-raiser – slightly reinforcing the White House’s
earlier failure, in a briefing note, to spell the British prime
minister’s name correctly, dropping the “h” and thereby
suggesting Donald Trump was about to receive Teresa May, who made her
name as a porn star.
But other than that,
the PM would have been delighted. In the press conference that
followed their Oval Office meeting, there were no bombshells: Trump
managed to get through it without insulting an entire ethnic group,
trashing a democratic norm or declaring war, any of which might have
diverted attention from May’s big moment. He was on best behaviour,
diligently reading the script that had been written for him,
attesting to the “deep bond” that connects Britain and the US.
May received all the assurances she craved that her country’s
relationship with the US remains “special”. Why, he even,
briefly, took her hand.
However, these are
not normal times. May and her team will be pleased with the optics
and indeed some of the substance – artfully, May got Trump to
confirm, on camera, that he is “100% behind Nato” – but the
underlying truth is that this dash to Washington was mortifying.
First, there was the
unseemly haste. May’s eagerness to be the first foreign leader to
shake that short-fingered hand, the scramble to catch up with Nigel
Farage and Michael Gove, gave off a strong whiff of desperation.
That is a scent
Trump understands. What he lacks in book smarts, he makes up for in
alpha male gamesmanship. His lifelong training was in real estate, an
area in which there is rarely such thing as a win-win deal: the more
you get, the more I pay.
He will have seen
May as that most desperate of creatures: the housebuyer who rashly
sold her old house before she had found a new one. Having tossed away
Britain’s keys to the European single market, she will soon be
homeless – and Trump knows it. For all the niceties – May’s
shrewd deployment of a royal invitation for a state visit and her
compliment to the president on his “stunning election victory”,
flattery which saw Trump glow a brighter shade of orange – he will
have seen May as a sucker who needs to make a deal. And he will look
forward to naming his price.
What would such a
deal look like? Tariffs between the US and the UK are already low, so
it is the dropping of a different kind of barrier that Trump would be
after. That could be a softening of the food standards that have kept
out hormone-injected US beef. Or granting access to the NHS to
overcharging US drug companies. Or a relaxation in environmental or
labour rules that, set with our onetime EU partners, proved too
onerous for US firms until now.
When Trump demands
all that, May – needing a deal, any deal, to prove that Brexit is
not a disaster – will struggle to say no. And what would be gained?
One study, released on Friday, estimated that leaving the single
market would bring a loss in UK trade of up to 30% – while a new
deal with the US might boost it by a meagre 2%. It was a reminder
that while the US might be a bigger market for British exports than
any other single country, it is dwarfed by the European continent on
our doorstep.
The losses will not
just be economic. What can our other allies – Europeans, chiefly,
but not only them – make of May’s rush to stand with Trump?
Contrast Britain’s headlong dash to Washington with Angela Merkel’s
wariness to cosy up to a man who says torture “absolutely” works
and who regards climate change as a “hoax”. In our determination
to be Trump’s new best chum, Britain risks being tarred with his
brush, becoming a mini-me to a man already regarded as a global
danger.
Underpinning May’s
approach was a kind of optimistic naivety tinged with arrogance, the
same sentiments that mistakenly informed so many Republicans in their
dealings with Trump during the past year: the belief that they could
tame him and that he would change.
Whitehall believes
May can steer Trump towards sanity on the importance of the UN, Nato
and a rules-based international system as well as the necessity of
vigilance when it comes to Vladimir Putin. (“Engage, but beware,”
as May put it.) As Jeremy Shapiro, a former state department
official, told the New York Times, London tends to think “our
expert tutelage will socialise him and it’ll be OK”.
Donald Trump and
Theresa May awkwardly hold hands at White House
Hubris apart, such
thinking woefully misjudges Trump. He has not changed, and is not
likely to, as the lies and lunacies of this past week have shown.
What’s more, it assumes that Trump could ever be led to some kind
of steady, consistent world view. He managed it for a few short
minutes on Friday. But the evidence suggests Trump tends to agree
with the last person he speaks to. Give it a few days or weeks, and
he’ll happily say the exact opposite.
He is feeling warm
about Britain and Ter-raiser now, but just wait till he gets in a
room with the one person for whom his admiration has been constant:
Putin. Then we’ll see which relationship Trump sees as really
special.
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