Tumultuous Times
'Political
Uncertainty Has Doubled the Around World'
In
an interview, Stanford economist Nicholas Bloom, 43, discusses the
era of political uncertainty that has been unleashed with Donald
Trump's presidency and Britain's decision to leave the European
Union.
© Interview
Conducted by Peter Müller
January 23, 2017
06:54 PM
SPIEGEL: Professor
Bloom, Donald Trump was sworn in as the President of the United
States on Friday. Does this mark the start of an era of
unpredictability for politics and the economy?
Bloom: Yes, you
could say that. The indicators we use to measure political
uncertainty have never been as high as they are today, and we have
collected data that reaches back to the beginning of the 20th
century.
SPIEGEL: And that's
all because of the election of Trump as president
Bloom: ... and the
vote in the United Kingdom to exit the European Union, correct. But
these two phenomena are the expression of a much more fundamental
problem: The rise of populist parties such as the Five Star Movement
in Italy and the Front National in France are rocking the political
certainties of the last decades. And that also affects the economy.
SPIEGEL: Together
with colleagues, you have developed methods of measuring political
uncertainty and its consequences. In what situations does uncertainty
increase?
Bloom: To put it
into a simple equation: Decreasing economic growth and increasing
inequality leads to increased uncertainty. The U.S. and, to a certain
extent, countries in Europe as well, have experienced growing
inequality within their population for decades -- a small group of
people own the lion's share of the wealth. Populists take advantage
of this, and their policies are extremely hard to predict. And this
has serious consequences. Companies shy away from risk, postponing
their investment decisions in times of uncertainty, the stock markets
get nervous and unemployment threatens to increase.
SPIEGEL: Important
elections are taking place in Europe this year -- the presidential
elections in France this spring, and the federal elections in Germany
a few months later. What impact will they have?
Bloom: Elections
themselves do not necessarily lead to more corporate uncertainty --
quite the reverse, stable democracies create a reliable environment.
And elections have caused hardly any change in the basic economic
framework in the last few decades.
SPIEGEL: Instead,
trade barriers have been dismantled, the central banks have kept
inflation down and NATO has provided security. These were constants,
no matter who was in power in Washington or Paris.
Bloom: Yes,
political stability was at most a factor in assessing developing
countries or Russia. It is now also an issue in Western democracies.
The Five Star Movement in Italy lets its members vote on its policies
online -- with the outcome that the results are often completely
unpredictable. And Trump also tends to shoot from the hip. You can
see from his sparse Twitter messages that he is constantly changing
his mind. Politics has become very unpredictable, making things so
very difficult for individuals and also for companies.
SPIEGEL: And yet the
markets responded enthusiastically to Trump's victory. How do you
explain that?
Bloom: Trump can,
like every government, trigger a short boom with borrowed money, just
like he has announced. He appears to want to adopt the economic
policy approach favored by Republicans of putting lots of money into
building roads and cutting taxes. Markets like that. But, at the end
of the day, someone always has to foot the bill.
SPIEGEL: So you
think that Trump will disappoint some of his supporters?
Bloom: Many people
who have lost out in the last few decades voted for Trump. Trump will
have a difficult time turning them into winners. The jobs of these
people are not at risk because of Chinese or Mexican workers, but
because of robots and computers. And new trade barriers and higher
tariffs are not going to change that. If you leave school at 16 then,
in all probability, there is a machine that can do what you can do
better and cheaper. And Trump can't do anything to change that.
SPIEGEL: Populists
often promise their voters that they will revive the economy. But, if
we understand you correctly, it is precisely the success of these
populist parties that is increasing uncertainty and, with it,
undermining the chances that they can fulfil this promise?
Bloom: Exactly,
Brexit is a classic example of this. The Brexiteers promised their
supporters wonderful things, almost none of which can ever come true.
The billions that London transfers to Brussels will most certainly
not land in the budget of the country's National Health Service.
Brexit is going to be very bitter for many of its supporters.
SPIEGEL: But the
Brexit vote in the U.K., like Trump's victory in the U.S., did not
initially lead to lower growth but quite the opposite.
Bloom: Brexit hasn't
happened yet and nothing will happen while the negotiations are still
going on. Life will be good until then, perhaps even better than
before. The value of the pound dropped in reaction to the Brexit
vote, but the United Kingdom is still part of the European single
market -- no wonder then that companies focused on exports are happy.
But the problem is, once Brexit has actually been implemented, the
world will be a very different place.
SPIEGEL: In your
research, you have gone back to the year 1900. Have there been
situations in the past in which the level of uncertainty has been
similar to what it is today?
Bloom: According to
our measurements, political uncertainty around the world has more
than doubled since the election of Trump. To find anything comparable
we have to go way back, to the late 1920s for example, the times of
the Great Depression. Or think of the United Kingdom in the 1970s,
when the International Monetary Fund had to help the country out with
a dramatic rescue operation. Up until the Greek crisis, that was the
last time that the IMF was forced to intervene to such an extent in
Europe.
SPIEGEL: Your
Economic Policy Uncertainty Index is the first attempt to quantify
political uncertainty and its impact on the economy. What data do you
use?
Bloom: Very
traditional data, believe it or not -- we use newspapers and analyze
how often certain key terms are used in articles. We have computers
and students helping us do this at the University of Chicago. For
Germany, we analyze Handelsblatt and the Frankfurter Allgemeine
Zeitung newspapers.
SPIEGEL: I'm sorry,
but you're leaving out a major publication ...
Bloom: ... you're
right, but DER SPIEGEL unfortunately only comes out once a week and
given that we need a sufficiently large pool of articles, we only
analyze daily newspapers.
SPIEGEL: In the
articles, you search for ...
Bloom: ... keywords
such as "uncertainty," "economic crisis" or, in
Germany, "budget deficit," "regulation" and
"Bundesbank". The idea behind this, to put it simply, is
the following: Our index rises when there are more articles with
these keywords. Then we compare this data with the developments of
stock prices, growth forecasts and unemployment.
SPIEGEL: You
recently presented the results of your research to the central bank
governors of the G-20 states, including Mario Draghi and Jens
Weidmann. How did they react?
Bloom: The central
bank governors were very interested. It sparked a lively debate on
questions such as whether political uncertainty impacts economic
growth or whether it's actually the other way round, that decreasing
growth leads to increased political uncertainty. The prevailing
opinion was that there is a correlation in both directions.
SPIEGEL: You've
already said that growing insecurity is bad news particularly for
companies. During the US election campaign, the stock prices of many
U.S. construction companies shot up when Trump said he wanted to
build a wall along the border to Mexico to combat illegal immigration
...
Bloom: ... only to
plunge down to rock bottom when he changed his mind and said he was
actually just going to build a fence instead. And that is the
problem.
SPIEGEL: Are there
certain industries that are particularly sensitive to uncertainty?
Bloom: Alongside the
construction sector, health care and defense companies are especially
affected -- our results show that quite clearly. These industries are
heavily dependent on government decisions. German pharmaceutical
companies are also concerned about Trump's plans to abolish the
health insurance introduced by President Barack Obama. This move
would have similarly serious consequences for the health care
industry as Brexit.
SPIEGEL: The
internet companies in Silicon Valley, in contrast, seem immune
against the decisions made in Washington. Will that continue to be
the case in the future?
Bloom: Basically,
yes, although with one big exception -- the high-tech industry needs
the immigration of highly qualified labor, from India, from China,
from everywhere. One of Trump's main promises in his election
campaign was to restrict immigration. I'm sure that the details on
visa regulations will cause much debate in Washington.
SPIEGEL: Leading
internet bosses have already made a courtesy call to Trump. And the
president-elect is always emphasizing that he is a born dealmaker and
that he wants to do politics exactly the way he used to run his real
estate business. Will we be seeing an increase in deals between
companies and the government?
Bloom:
Unfortunately, there is reason to fear that, yes. It's starting
already, Trump is forcing Ford to invest in Detroit rather than in
Mexico. But CEOs are obliged, by law, to make their decisions in the
best interests of owners and shareholders, and that runs counter to
the notion of upturning important parameters for investments merely
on account of a Tweet from Trump.
SPIEGEL: In the
U.K., on the other hand, the Japanese carmaker Nissan recently put
pressure on 10 Downing Street, saying that it would only make new
investments if the government could guarantee that the company can
carry on exporting to the EU on single market terms after Brexit as
well.
Bloom: What worries
me is the complete lack of transparency in agreements like these. It
raises questions like, what's the other side of the deal? Is the U.K.
police force now going to increase its orders for cars from Nissan?
Is the U.S. military going to order more cars from Ford? It would be
good to know that. Unfortunately, these deals follow a similar
pattern to the wheeling and dealing between corporations and
government that we know from some Latin-American countries. And this
trend is a very worrying one.
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