Brexit
fails to set Scottish heather alight
There
is a wide political gap between London and Edinburgh. After June 23
it’s likely to be even bigger.
By PETER GEOGHEGAN
6/7/16, 5:28 AM CET
GLASGOW —
Scotland’s enthusiasm for the European Union, and its political
parties’ official support for the Remain campaign, stands in
contrast to a far more divided playing field in the south, where
certain English “home counties” are staunchly Euroskeptic. But it
is a mistake to assume that the Brexit referendum doesn’t affect
the Scots — or that they will necessarily vote to Remain in the EU.
When the U.K. last
held a referendum on Europe, in 1975, more than two-thirds of England
voted to remain in the erstwhile European community. Across the
border, support was more muted — in Scotland the margin of victory
was narrower, with Shetland and the Western Isles the only regions in
Britain to advocate leaving.
Four decades on, the
political roles have reversed. In England, voters — and politicians
— are deeply divided over the European Union. North of the border,
however, the consensus is firmly Europhilic: Polls put Scots in favor
of staying in the EU by a majority of two to one. Every significant
Scottish political party is solidly against Brexit.
In 1975, the
Scottish National Party campaigned vigorously for withdrawal, warning
that the European Community could strike “a death blow to our very
existence as a nation.” Now, SNP leader and Scottish First Minister
Nicola Sturgeon is a vocal proponent of the EU. Even the Scottish
Conservatives are firmly pro-European, in marked contrast to their
Westminster counterparts.
The fear of Eurocrat
encroachment often expressed in England’s leafy “home counties”
is generally absent from the Scottish debate.
In a debate in the
Scottish parliament late May, all but a handful of parliamentarians
backed remaining in the European Union.
Fiona Hyslop, the
minority Scottish National Party government’s secretary for
external affairs, called on advocates of leaving the EU to “cease
their smears, speculation and downright ludicrous arguments.”
Scottish Labour leader Kezia Dugdale told the parliament there is
“something beautiful about being part of this European family.”
One of the reasons
Brussels appears more beautiful in Edinburgh than London is that it’s
further away. The fear of Eurocrat encroachment often expressed in
England’s leafy “home counties” is generally absent from the
Scottish debate.
“This obsession
with sovereignty, you don’t find that in Scotland,” said Michael
Keating, professor of politics at Edinburgh University. “Even
Euroskeptics in Scotland don’t obsess about Europe. The issue is
just not that salient. It is not nearly as polarized.”
Distance is not the
only factor. As with much else in the wake of the 2014 independence
referendum, in Scotland the European Union is increasingly seen
through the prism of constitutional politics. Many nationalists point
to widespread pro-European sentiment as symptomatic of broader
political differences with their English neighbors.
“Almost every
issue in Scottish politics is filtered though the national question,
so when we debate our relationship to Europe what we are really
debating is our relationship to London and the rest of the U.K.,”
said political journalist Jamie Maxwell.
In Scotland the
European Union is increasingly seen through the prism of
constitutional politics.
Where Europe often
dominates the media in London, the topic struggles for political
coverage north of the border. The debate focuses on overtly English
concerns — especially immigration — which serves to further
dampen a Scottish electorate fatigued after May’s Scottish
parliament elections.
During the
independence referendum campaign, Scotland was awash with political
flags and symbols. So far this correspondent has only seen a pair of
pro-EU posters, and a solitary “Vote Leave” banner draped from
the gable end of a pebble-dashed house in Stornoway, a town of 8,000
people hundreds of miles from Edinburgh on the Outer Hebridean island
of Lewis.
‘You’re a
racist!’
On a weekday
afternoon outside Glasgow’s Victorian Central station four
activists in red “Vote Leave” bibs are handing out leaflets. “In
Scotland, people have only really begun to discuss [the EU] now,”
said Robert Maylan, who has been campaigning daily for the past two
weeks. “Support for the EU in Scotland is not a solid support.
People view the EU less unfavorably but that shouldn’t be mistaken
for any great love for the European Union.”
Passing rush-hour
commuters show little interest. In over half an hour, barely a dozen
pause to take leaflets. When Maylan starts talking about immigration
into a specific area of Glasgow a passerby shouts, “You’re a
racist!”
Part of the problem
facing those who want Scotland out of the EU is the absence of a
common message. While Maylan — who used to work for UKIP’s sole
Scottish MEP, David Coburn — talks about immigration, fellow Leave
campaigner Mary Stephen, a fervent Scottish nationalist, believes
that her country can only be fully sovereign without Brussels. “This
is the real independence referendum,” she said.
The political
consensus for staying masks the reality that many Scots will vote to
leave.
Few Scottish
nationalists, however, seem to agree. Former SNP deputy leader Jim
Sillars is practically the only high-profile nationalist advocating
an Out vote, and Sturgeon’s party is firmly behind her.
“The Scottish
independence referendum was about the sovereignty of a nation,”
said Feargal Dalton, an SNP councilor in Glasgow. “This is not a
sovereignty issue. Britain is still 100 percent sovereign. It is
having a referendum and if it votes to leave no one in Britain can
say ‘No you can’t.’”
Dalton admits that
the EU is “remote to a lot of people” in Scotland. The political
consensus for staying masks the reality that many Scots will vote to
leave, said journalist and author David Torrance.
“The SNP — and
everyone else — is banking on a Remain vote and they probably wish
the whole thing would go away,” said Torrance.
Although the
referendum has failed to set the heather alight in Scotland, the
result could have huge implications for the country’s political
future — particularly if England votes to leave.
“The first
scenario is that all four nations of the U.K. vote to withdraw; this
seems unlikely given the Scottish figures. The second is that England
votes to come out and Scotland to stay in. The weight of English
votes means that Scotland has to leave the EU against its will. This
represents the material change of circumstances that the SNP has
stated as a reason for a new independence referendum on the slogan of
‘Scotland in Europe,’” said Keating.
Polls suggest the
SNP could win an independence vote if the U.K. left the EU. But with
questions around currency and economics — which dogged the 2014
referendum — still unresolved, there is limited appetite for
another run so soon among the SNP hierarchy.
Brexit might not
presage the rapid break-up of Britain but it would create radical
constitutional change within the U.K.’s devolved structures.
Even if nationalists
were able to triumph on a platform of independence within the EU,
with England outside the union, the normally placid Anglo-Scottish
border would become a hard EU frontier — which neither government
would want. Conversely, if Scottish ballots to stay in the EU were
enough to overturn a slender English Leave majority, support for
nationalism south of the border could surge.
Brexit might not
presage the rapid break-up of Britain but it would create radical
constitutional change within the U.K.’s devolved structures. Much
of the control of Scottish affairs currently exercised in Brussels —
including over fisheries and agriculture — would be transferred to
Edinburgh, not London.
A
nationalist-dominated Scottish parliament could still choose to
follow European regulations and legislative changes, even if formally
outside the union. “If Scotland wanted to continue playing the
European game they could shadow Brussels rather than London even from
outside the EU,” said Keating.
Even if Scotland and
England do vote the same way on June 23, the Brexit referendum,
rather than mending bridges, is further deepening the political gap
between between London and Edinburgh.
Peter Geoghegan is a
writer and journalist based in Glasgow. He is the author of the
“People’s Referendum: Why Scotland Will Never Be the Same Again”
(Luath Press, 2014).
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