Donald
Tusk wants to bury the European Dream
Criticism
of EU-topia is now socially acceptable.
By JACOPO BARIGAZZI
6/13/16, 5:28 AM CET
Europe is coming
around to Donald Tusk’s way of thinking.
The European Council
president has been spreading a message that until recently would have
sounded surprisingly Euroskeptic coming from the head of an EU
institution: We need to let go of the “European” dream — at
least as it has usually been defined since the founding of the Union.
But rather than
provoke outrage, Tusk’s position is largely being accepted as the
new EU reality, even by stalwart European integrationists who now
admit that the answer to every problem is not “More Europe.”
In 18 months on the
job, the former Polish prime minister has managed a subtle but
significant shift in the EU’s political center of gravity on a
range of issues facing the bloc, from the migration and Greek bailout
crises to coping with the rise of “populist,” anti-EU politicians
in several countries. The balance of influence has moved from west to
east, from idealism to pragmatism, from the European Commission’s
headquarters in the Berlaymont to Tusk’s base, across the street,
in the Council’s Justus Lipsius building.
In a remarkable
series of speeches, a newly emboldened Tusk has taken aim at what he
portrayed as a European reflex for “confronting reality with all
kinds of utopias.” His rhetorical assault on the idea of European
integration as a cure-all — arguably the governing religion of the
EU for several decades — reached a crescendo in an address in
Brussels earlier this month, when Tusk blamed “lyrical and in fact
naïve Euro-enthusiastic visions of total integration” for “the
strengthening of Euroskeptic moods” across the continent.
“This is what it’s
all about — looking in very practical terms to what can be
achieved” — Pierre Vimont, French diplomat
Sources familiar
with Tusk’s thinking say his recent remarks are part of longer-term
effort to stifle the EU’s “More Europe” reflex, which has
largely backfired in the response to the migration crisis. The
speeches were also a way to try to indirectly influence national
politics — not just in the U.K., where the “Brexit” debate is
now at full boil, but also in countries such as the Netherlands and
France, where anti-EU forces continue to gain ground.
“This very
down-to-earth approach that President Tusk is taking now in this
whole migration issue I think is something rather welcome in Paris
but also in many other capitals at the moment, because this is what
it’s all about — looking in very practical terms to what can be
achieved,” said Pierre Vimont, a veteran diplomat and former chief
of staff to three French foreign ministers.
Time to hit ‘pause’
Vimont is not alone.
Hubert Védrine, another longtime French politician and former
foreign minister, said in an interview recently that Europe needs a
“pause.” On Friday Jeroen Dijsselbloem, finance minister for
another core European country, the Netherlands, called for an end to
EU expansion, saying that Europe had grown so quickly that “decision
making has become more difficult.” Dutch voters in April
overwhelmingly rejected a proposed EU deal with Ukraine in a
referendum that was seen as a proxy vote on the European project as a
whole.
Even Commission
President Jean-Claude Juncker, who pushed an ambitious EU migration
policy that emphasized the sharing of the burden across all EU
countries only to see it coopted and watered down by Tusk in a series
of difficult summits over the past year, has acknowledged the shift.
At a 40th
anniversary celebration of the European People’s Party, the same
event where Tusk talked of unrealistic “utopias,” Juncker
admitted that Brussels needed to make room for differences of opinion
in Europe. “Not everyone who does not agree with certain aspects of
the European refugee policy and the proposals made by the Commission
is a populist,” he said, allowing that there were “sometimes good
reasons to question proposals.”
“Tusk is trying to
find the right balance between the different groups in the European
Council, between the staunch supporters of European integration and
those who would be either more skeptical or more cautious about
moving ahead,” said Vimont, now a senior associate at Carnegie
Europe, a think tank.
LONDON, ENGLAND -
FEBRUARY 04: European Council President Donald Tusk addresses
delegates at the 'Thermatic Pledging Session' at the 'Supporting
Syria Conference' at The Queen Elizabeth II Conference Centre on
February 4, 2016 in London, England. World leaders including British
Prime Minister David Cameron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel will
gather for the 4th annual donor conference in an attempt to raise
£6.2bn GBP to those affected by the war in Syria. (Photo
Some of this recent
“whoa, Europe” talk can be attributed to calculated politics
ahead of a referendum in Britain in less than two weeks’ time.
British Euroskepticism is only part of a problem affecting the whole
bloc. Poll data from across Europe published last week show rising
levels of discontent with EU policy — higher even in France than in
Britain — and a growing desire to shift power back from Brussels to
national capitals.
Comfort zone
Tusk came to
Brussels in November 2014 as an outsider who didn’t speak
Eurocrat-ese and showed little interest in learning it (as opposed to
English, which he picked up quickly). In his early moves as Council
president, Tusk often seemed ill at ease in the Brussels milieu so
comfortably occupied by Juncker, and was accused during often testy
summit meetings throughout 2015 of being too pro-Eastern Europe. But
his recent speeches to mainstream EU audiences have shown Tusk more
confident in his role as Euro-realist.
Tusk’s recent
shout-out to Hungary’s Viktor Orbán, whom he said had as valid a
position on migration as Angela Merkel, was especially revealing. The
Hungarian prime minister has been treated in some European political
circles as a pariah among EU leaders for his hard-line stance on
migration and on civil liberties.
Now Orbán can
openly boast that his position is in the EU mainstream. That’s
thanks in no small part to Tusk, who pushed shifting the EU’s focus
in the migration debate away from distributing refugees around Europe
and instead focusing on keeping them from getting to Europe.
Not that everyone
has abandoned the European dream altogether. Politicians in France,
Germany and Italy continue to push for increased European
integration, at least among a core of committed countries, and there
is persistent talk that Germany is waiting for after the U.K.
referendum to push plans for a European army.
“In 2015 we were
labeled as European outcasts, but now what we were saying is
mainstream” — Tomas Prouza
Some diplomats and
officials said Tusk’s recent comments also show how an oft-quoted
belief of one of Europe’s funding fathers, Jean Monnet, that
“Europe will be forged in crises,” has been upended by the
migration issue. Juncker’s initial push to deal with the exodus of
asylum-seekers by forcing EU countries to accept the relocation of
160,000 refugees, has been largely rejected or ignored despite
several attempts to reframe it. As of June 9 only 2,195 refugees had
been relocated from Italy and Greece.
Juncker “made a
psychological mistake when he made his proposal,” said Jean De
Ruyt, a former permanent representative of Belgium to the EU. “My
feeling at that time was that member states did not recognize his
legitimacy in proposing that because, not a long time ago, this was
not a Community competence, they still think is not a domain of the
Commission.”
Tusk turned that
argument around, putting national governments — even the eastern
European ones — back in charge of the migration debate. The focus,
even on the part of the Commission, is now on keeping migrants out. A
proposal to create a European border control and coast guard is on an
EU fast track, something diplomats said would have been unthinkable
of only until a couple of years ago.
Tusk is seen as
instrumental in shifting the EU’s attention.
“In 2015 we were
labeled as European outcasts,” Tomas Prouza, the Czech Republic’s
Europe minister, told EUobserver last week, “but now what we were
saying is mainstream.”
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