3 ways Germany’s migration crisis is different
this time around
Germany is seeing nearly as many refugees as it did in
2015 and 2016. But key changes have been made since then.
BY GABRIEL
RINALDI
DECEMBER
29, 2022 4:02 AM CET
https://www.politico.eu/article/germany-migration-crisis-refugees-asylum-seekers-ukraine-2022/
BERLIN —
This year, the number of refugees arriving to Germany is almost as high as it
was in 2015 — when the government nearly fell apart over it.
When civil
war broke out in Syria, refugees came in masses to Europe. Between the end of
2015 and the beginning of 2016, tens of thousands arrived in Germany.
Then-Chancellor Angela Merkel said, “Wir schaffen das” — “We got this.”
Merkel’s government allowed migrants to enter Germany even though, under the
EU’s framework, other countries in the bloc would also have been responsible for
them. The massive influx led to friction both within Germany and between
European capitals.
Germany saw
nearly 1.2 million applications for asylum in 2015 and 2016. At first, many
Germans applauded the Syrians arriving at train stations and offered support —
coining the term Willkommenskultur. But as cities and towns were overwhelmed,
with gyms and container villages being set up to house the influx of refugees,
the political mood soon soured.
Fast-forward
to 2022: The number of refugees from Ukraine amounted to just more than 1
million people receiving temporary protection. Add to that around 214,000
applications by asylum-seekers with no connection to the Russian invasion of
Ukraine, according to the German interior ministry. That means that this year,
more people have sought refuge in Germany than in 2015 and 2016 combined.
But things
are different this time around. While authorities on the ground still fear
being overwhelmed, the situation has changed, including how EU countries handle
refugees. Here are three key points:
1. Refugees from Ukraine form a distinct category
First of
all, Germany is not going it alone now, as the EU has activated the so-called
Temporary Protection Directive for refugees from Ukraine. This means that they
automatically receive temporary asylum status and can claim social benefits in
any EU country, spreading the burden across countries in the bloc.
Within
Germany, a new distribution system known as “FREE,” in place since July,
considers family ties and other factors. This has created a steering effect, as
distribution can be linked and tracked. Furthermore, when able to privately
organize accommodation themselves, refugees from Ukraine may choose where to
settle. Only if they apply for social welfare or housing may they be allocated
throughout Germany like other refugees.
Almost
three-quarters of refugees from Ukraine live in private apartments and houses,
according to the study “Refugees from Ukraine in Germany” (conducted between
August and October this year). Of these, around 25 percent live with relatives
or friends in Germany. Only 9 percent live in shared accommodation for
refugees.
In
contrast, refugees not coming from Ukraine are spread among German states via
the so-called “EASY” system. After an initial period at regional reception
centers, migrants are distributed at random to municipalities across the
country.
That system
does not take individual preferences into account; it only grants a higher
probability of assigning refugees to facilities in the same region if family
members have been registered in the region — and if there is capacity.
2. Not all cities and towns are overwhelmed — yet
“Reception
capacities are exhausted in many places, tent shelters and gymnasiums already
have to be used,” Burkhard Jung, the mayor of Leipzig and vice president of the
German Association of Cities, said in November.
Plenty of
déjà vu with 2015 on this front.
“We don’t
know a concrete number, but we are getting feedback from very many federal
states that the municipalities are reaching their limits,” Alexander Handschuh,
a spokesperson for the German Association of Towns and Municipalities,
confirmed earlier this month. He pointed out that large cities such as Berlin
or Munich are more popular among refugees from Ukraine — a trend that is
ongoing.
“Meanwhile,
however, heavy burdens are being reported from all over Germany,” Handschuh
added.
While many
refugees from Ukraine were initially welcomed into private accommodation “with
overwhelming willingness to help,” this is becoming increasingly difficult the
longer the war continues. Thus, German municipalities are now calling for help
from the federal government, demanding full reimbursement for the costs of
handling refugees and calling for higher reception capacity at the regional
level.
Migration
researcher Hannes Schammann of the University of Hildesheim says he is hearing
mixed signals from local authorities. “There are isolated hot spots where we
have this situation with gymnasiums and the like. But there are also
municipalities where this can still be managed quite well,” Schammann told POLITICO.
The newly
arriving refugees are not the problem, he believes. Rather, he said, the issue
is German bureaucracy, as the distribution system itself causes delays and
uncertainty.
3. Although the situation is tense, it is not
surprising
Germany’s
Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) confirmed that migration
pressure is currently “increasing significantly” not only in Germany, but also
at the EU’s external borders. “Although the numbers have increased every year …
the current influx of arrivals has a higher dynamic compared to previous
years,” it said. As to why, the BAMF cited a catch-up effect after pandemic
travel restrictions were lifted, and economic and political situations in
transit states such as Turkey, Tunisia and Libya.
Yet, the
number of refugees now arriving from countries other than Ukraine is within the
expected range, Schammann said. This becomes a problem, however, when that flow
comes up against any uneven distribution of Ukrainian refugees.
In
addition, many municipalities held on to both physical and policy
infrastructure built up during the situation in 2015 and 2016. “Those who
maintained it did quite well,” Schammann pointed out.
The main
countries of origin for asylum-seekers besides Ukraine continue to be Syria,
Afghanistan, Turkey and Iraq — as in previous years. “There are currently no
noticeable developments in individual countries of origin,” a spokesperson from
the interior ministry told POLITICO. Nevertheless, he confirmed a somewhat
tense situation in terms of the ability to receive refugees.
Schammann
expects the debate to heat up because of bottlenecks that may arise due to the
distribution of refugees already in Germany. He described it as a difficult
situation and definitely a source of strain on the system. “But it’s not
collapsing. It will continue to function regardless,” he said.
Without a
magic crystal ball, the ministry declined to provide an outlook for the months
to come.
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