As Meloni embraces Africa, Europe holds its
breath
Italian leader is to outline her flagship plan for
Africa on Monday.
JANUARY 29,
2024 4:00 AM CET
BY HANNAH
ROBERTS
https://www.politico.eu/article/meloni-italy-africa-energy-migration-far-right/
Only a few
years ago, Giorgia Meloni — then the leader of a far-right fringe party — was
calling for a naval blockade to prevent “an invasion” of migrants across the
Mediterranean to Europe.
Now, as
Italian prime minister, she is staking her credibility on an ambitious
investment plan for Africa.
Meloni
hosts an international summit on Africa in Rome January 28-29 with 25 African
leaders in attendance; United Nations, World Bank and EU principals are also
expected. Following a Sunday banquet at the presidential palace, Meloni is due
to outline her vision for the strategic development of the African continent on
Monday at the senate.
Her belated
attempt to woo African leaders is not as bizarre as it seems, but instead is
part of the Italian leader’s multi-pronged war on illegal immigration, which
includes offshoring migrants to Albania. (Migrant sea arrivals have increased
significantly since Meloni came to power.)
“She now
needs to offer solutions to her voters, for whom immigration is a huge
concern,” said Leo Goretti, an expert on Italy’s foreign policy at the
Institute for International Affairs (IAI) in Rome.
Meloni’s
professed aim is to address the causes of emigration from Africa, such as
unemployment and poverty, through investment in development, infrastructure and
energy. But she also hopes to persuade African leaders to block migrants from
leaving, and to agree to take back failed asylum seekers.
Given the
ambition of the project, Meloni is taking a significant gamble. Success could
deliver the mainstream recognition she craves as a international conservative
stateswoman; but Africa is a huge and complex place, and the fruit of her
strategy, if there will be any, could take years if not decades to ripen.
Critics,
meanwhile, say the deal smacks of neo-colonialism; that Italy doesn’t have the
resources or expertise to see it through; and that it is out of step with the
green transition.
Eyes bigger than stomach
While the
details of Meloni’s plan won’t be revealed until Monday, its official objective
is to support “improved living conditions of the population in partner
countries” through investment in six areas: education, food, water,
agriculture, energy and infrastructure.
The idea of
helping migrants in their homeland is “quite consistent” with the narrative of
the right, the IAI’s Goretti noted. It was Matteo Salvini, Meloni’s own deputy
prime minister, who made effective use of the slogan “let’s help them in their
home[land]” while surging on an anti-immigration platform.
Meloni
hopes that her Africa plan — in addition to solving her migration woes — can
help her meet Italy’s energy demands. With no nuclear energy, Rome has been
attempting to diversify from its high reliance on Russian gas, which leaves it
vulnerable to political shocks. In Meloni’s vision, Italy could become an
energy hub in the southern Mediterranean, collecting energy via pipeline from
Africa and distributing it across Europe.
Beyond
domestic gains, Meloni also no doubt sees an opportunity to make her mark on
the international stage, especially with Italy’s having assumed the annual
presidency of the G7 for 2024. With other Western countries more preoccupied
with the Middle East and China, Italy now has an opening to play a lead role in
shaping the West’s relationship with the African continent, Goretti said.
Meloni, after all, named Africa as a key theme of Italy’s G7 presidency and its
drive to “restore centrality to the Mediterranean.”
But
Meloni’s plan contains many potential pitfalls, critics say, starting with
whether African leaders will even buy what the Italian leader is selling. With
13 heads of state, six heads of government and three foreign ministers expected
at the summit, the attendees should at least enjoy a few days in the spotlight.
But in the longer term, keeping their interest will depend on the level of
investment: During an October visit to Mozambique, Meloni announced €3 billion
from Italy alone, but the country’s 2024 budget ultimately allocated a more
stingy €200 million.
Some of her
guests, too, aren’t exactly heavyweights, such as Eritrean President Isaias
Afewerki and Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, son of Equatorial Guinea’s
authoritarian leader, who has been sanctioned by the U.K. and was given a
suspended fine of €30 million by France in 2017 for money laundering and
corruption.
Lia
Quartapelle, vice-president of the Italian parliament’s foreign affairs
committee from the opposition Democratic Party, said Meloni “should be taken
seriously, as Africa is of strategic importance to Italy.” She questioned,
however, whether Italy has “the economic and political capacity” to take the
lead.
Heavy lifting ahead
For her
plan to work and to attract the necessary firepower, expertise and resources,
Meloni needs buy-in from the EU. European Commission President Ursula Von der
Leyen, who could find herself in need of Meloni’s support after the June EU
election to secure a second term, has confirmed she will attend the Rome
summit. But with France and Italy having traditionally vied for influence in
Africa, Meloni’s new initiative could spark a rivalry in the Sahel that Italy
would not have the resources or the expertise to win, Goretti said.
What’s
more, Meloni has stressed the need for an approach that is neither predatory
nor patronizing, but that treats African countries as partners rather than as
charity cases. But opposition MP Quartapelle says she doesn’t see a vast
departure from past practice in a plan based on energy investments that brings
Italy into conflict with the EU’s carbon and net-zero goals. For her part,
Meloni has said Italy will fund the plan by diverting 70 percent of the €4
billion climate fund it pledged to support the green transition of developing
countries.
Another
concern is that Meloni’s caveat that Europe lose its historically patronizing
approach could translate into diminished concern with human rights, and that
her overall “can-do” outlook could end up legitimizing autocratic regimes.
Last year,
for example, Meloni advocated a deal between the European Commission and
Tunisia, hailing it as a model to be replicated across Africa. But the deal
with Tunisia hit trouble amid objections to sending funds to Tunisia’s
increasingly autocratic leader; arrivals from the country subsequently
increased. It’s not the only recent experience Europe has had of authoritarian
leaders using migration as leverage (viz: Turkey): According to Goretti, to
have a positive impact the EU must not just meet with a region’s leaders, but
above all engage with human rights and civil society.
So far,
African civil society and environmental groups seem unconvinced. Joab Okanda,
senior climate advisor at Christian Aid in Africa, said he hoped the Rome
summit would help “Italy and its state-backed fossil fuel companies to finally
realize the damage they are causing to Africa.
“It is time
for Africa to break away from the strategic visions of European fossil fuel
actors, masquerading as an African development project, and mobilize political
commitment … to put Africa on the path to self-sufficiency and sustainable
prosperity,” Okanda said.
With a
strong majority, Meloni is expected to remain in government for another three
years — unusual for Italian politics — and is unlikely to be troubled by
serious domestic opposition to her plan. Implementation, however, will likely
be another matter: Although she has tapped ministries for ideas, oversight
remains centralized with her office rather than with the foreign ministry. And
while energy and commercial deals are easy to manage in the short term,
development is far more tricky.
Meanwhile,
even if her plan enjoys some success, it is unlikely to reduce migration in the
short term, meaning that voters, who tend to have little patience with
long-term strategies, may lose faith in Meloni’s bold Africa plan before it
bears fruit.
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