US Senate report goes beyond Mueller to lay bare
Trump campaign's Russia links
Bipartisan intelligence panel says that Russian who
worked on Trump’s 2016 bid was career spy, amid a stunning range of contacts
Luke
Harding and Julian Borger
Tue 18 Aug
2020 20.27 BSTFirst published on Tue 18 Aug 2020 20.00 BST
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/aug/18/donald-trump-us-senate-report-russia-campaign
A report by
the Senate intelligence committee provides a treasure trove of new details
about Donald Trump’s relationship with Moscow, and says that a Russian national
who worked closely with Trump’s presidential campaign in 2016 was a career
intelligence officer.
The
bipartisan report runs to nearly 1,000 pages and goes further than last year’s
investigation into Russian election interference by special prosecutor Robert
Mueller. It lays out a stunning web of contacts between Trump, his top election
aides and Russian government officials, in the months leading up to the 2016
election.
The Senate
panel identifies Konstantin Kilimnik as a Russian intelligence officer employed
by the GRU, the military intelligence agency behind the 2018 poisoning of the
Russian double agent Sergei Skripal. It cites evidence – some of it redacted –
linking Kilimnik to the GRU’s hacking and dumping of Democratic party emails.
Kilimnik
worked for over a decade in Ukraine with Paul Manafort, Trump’s campaign
manager. In 2016 Manafort met with Kilimnik, discussed how Trump might beat
Hillary Clinton, and gave the Russian spy internal polling data. The committee
said it couldn’t “reliably determine” why Manafort handed over this
information, or what exactly Kilimnik did with it.
It
describes Manafort’s willingness to pass on confidential material to alleged
Moscow agents as a “grave counterintelligence threat”. The report dubs Kilimnik
part of “a cadre of individuals ostensibly operating outside of the Russian
government but who nonetheless implement Kremlin-directed influence
operations”. It adds that key oligarchs including Oleg Deripaska fund these
operations, together with the Kremlin.
The
investigation found that Kilimnik tweets under the pseudonym Petro Baranenko
(@PBaranenko). The account regularly propagates Moscow’s line on international
issues, such as the conflict in Ukraine and the downing of Malaysian Airlines
flight MH17.
The fact
that a Republican-controlled Senate panel established a direct connection
between the Trump campaign and Russian intelligence makes it harder for Trump
and his supporters to allege that the investigation into possible collusion was
a “witch-hunt” or “hoax” as the president has repeatedly claimed, in the
remaining three months before the election.
The
Republican-controlled Senate panel said it was hampered in its search for the
truth by the fact that Kilimnik and Manafort kept their communications secret.
They used burner phones, encrypted chat services, and frequently changed email
accounts. They also messaged via a shared email draft.
The
committee is dismissive of the dossier by the ex-MI6 officer Christopher
Steele, which alleged that the Kremlin had been cultivating Donald Trump for at
least five years, but stops short of offering an opinion on whether the
allegations within it are true. That dossier contained an allegation that
Russia spied on Trump during a visit to Moscow in November 2013 and filmed him
in his private suite at the Ritz-Carlton hotel with two prostitutes. Trump
strenuously denies the claim.
However,
the Senate report offers the most compelling account yet of what went on inside
the hotel. It alleges that a suspected Russian intelligence officer is
stationed permanently in the building and presides over a “network” of security
cameras, some of them hidden inside guest rooms. The officer’s agency is
redacted, but is likely to be the FSB, the spy agency Vladimir Putin headed, in
charge of counter-intelligence.
The report
says: “The committee found that the Ritz Carlton in Moscow is a high
counterintelligence risk environment. The committee assesses that the hotel
likely has at least one permanent Russian intelligence officer on staff,
government surveillance of guests’ rooms, and the regular presence of a large
number of prostitutes, likely with at least the tacit approval of Russian
authorities.
It adds:
“According to two former employees of the Ritz Carlton in Moscow, in 2013 there
was at least one [redacted] officer permanently stationed at the hotel. This
non-uniformed officer was believed to be a [redacted] and had access to the
hotel’s property management system, guest portfolios and notations, as well as
the network of “hundreds” of security cameras at the hotel.
“The
[redacted] was believed to be able to monitor the camera feeds from his
office.”
The
committee, which spent three years taking evidence for its report, also
examined previous trips by Trump to Russia. It says that during a 1996 visit,
Trump attended a party for a group of American investors at the Baltschug
Kempinski hotel. The party was arranged by David Geovanis, a Moscow-based
businessman who the report says has links to the Russian security services.
The report
notes: “In some circles of the US expatriate business community in Moscow, it
has been common for visiting businessmen to be taken to nightclubs or parties
where prostitutes are present. It is likely that Russian security or
intelligence services capitalize on those opportunities to collect information.
“During the
1990s and into the 2000s, David Geovanis developed a reputation in Moscow, in
part as a host for visiting businessmen.”
It goes on
to say that Trump “may have begun a brief relationship with a Russian woman” he
met at the Geovanis party. Her name is blacked out. One source of the information
is Theodore Liebman, an architect who lived in Moscow and New York in the
1990s, and who travelled to Russia with Trump to the event. Geovanis has spoken
to journalists and is reluctant to visit the US, the committee notes.
It
describes the Russian government’s overall operation in support of Trump in
2016 as “aggressive and multi-faceted”. The language echoes that of Mueller,
who called Moscow’s meddling “sweeping and systematic”. But in many places the
committee is more damning, suggesting a high level of coordination between the
Trump campaign and Russian intermediaries.
The report
says that Trump’s close friend Roger Stone was working closely with WikiLeaks
in summer 2016. It suggests Stone was briefing Trump in real time, and that the
Trump campaign was shaping its messages ahead of releases by WikiLeaks of
Democratic emails stolen in Moscow by GRU state hackers.
It says:
“Trump and senior campaign officials sought to obtain advance information about
WikiLeaks’s planned releases through Roger Stone. At their direction, Stone
took action to gain inside knowledge for the campaign and shared his purported
knowledge directly with Trump and senior campaign officials on multiple
occasions.”
Trump
believed Stone was getting “inside information” from WikiLeaks, the committee
said, adding that it wasn’t able to establish if this was indeed the case. It
also said it was “implausible” that Trump’s foreign policy aide George
Papadopoulos – who learned of the hack in April 2016 – did not pass this information
on to the Trump campaign.
Scott
Horton, a lecturer at Columbia law school, said on Tuesday the Senate
committee’s report “confirms nearly everything” about Trump’s ties to Moscow.
He said it vindicated claims by the Democrats and others that the campaign had
indeed colluded with the Russians – something Trump has vehemently denied.
“The
committee offers a much deeper view into the intelligence collected by US
authorities than does the much sketchier Mueller report. It will support the
view that Mueller, far from exonerating Trump, simply expected to pass the
baton to Congress to conduct deeper inquiries.”
Manafort
was convicted in 2018 and 2019 of multiple counts of money laundering and bank
and tax fraud, as well as obstruction of justice. The charges related to his
lobbying work in Ukraine. In May he was allowed out of jail, where he was
serving a 90-month sentence, because of the risk of contracting Covid-19.
In February
a court sentenced Stone to 40 months in prison for lying to investigators and
witness tampering – only for Trump to commute his sentence in July, days before
he was due to report to prison.
A new poll
published by the Pew Research Center on Tuesday found that 75% of Americans now
expect Russian or other foreign interference in the November election, and a
diminishing percentage (47% compared with 55% two years ago) are confident the
administration will make “serious efforts” to protect the election from hacking
and other external threats.

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