Le Pen
vs. Bardella: France’s far right fractures over whether Putin is the enemy
The
National Rally leads the polls before the 2027 French presidential election,
and its strategic vision on Moscow could have major implications for NATO.
January
27, 2026 6:37 pm CET
By Laura
Kayali, Sarah Paillou and Marion Solletty
https://www.politico.eu/article/france-far-right-faces-internal-split-over-russia/
PARIS —
France’s far-right National Rally is poised to win the country's presidency
next year but the party is still sharply divided over whether to treat the
Kremlin as the enemy.
Once
among the most pro-Russian forces in French politics, the National Rally has
had to row back since Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. In a
notable change of tone, National Rally leaders have repeatedly criticized
President Vladimir Putin’s war.
The
problem hasn't gone away, however. A traditionalist old guard in the party that
still echoes Kremlin talking points is now locked in a struggle to shape
France's future foreign policy, pitted against a new generation more supportive
of Ukraine.
It's an
ideological battle with massive implications not only for France but for
Europe's entire security landscape. France is a nuclear-armed NATO heavyweight
that is spearheading efforts to arrange postwar security guarantees for Ukraine
— potentially involving peacekeepers. A Russia-friendly administration in Paris
after the 2027 presidential election would upend the established order inside
NATO.
POLITICO
spoke to six members of the National Rally who are close to the party's leaders
and who represented both sides of the dispute over Russia. Their remarks
revealed that a wing of the party around 30-year-old Jordan Bardella, currently
the front-runner for the presidency, styles Russia as a "threat" to
France and Europe. By contrast, a more traditionalist camp aligns with the
classic Kremlin position that NATO's eastward expansion triggered the war. Each
group has cast the other as being in the minority.
A French
defense official directly involved with the country's military policy described
the party as now effectively split into three: “A traditional pro-Russian
faction, led by [MEP] Thierry Mariani, and a pro-Ukraine, pro-Western faction
closer to [leader] Jordan Bardella, led by [MEP] Pierre-Romain Thionnet.”
“Between
the two, there's a large group that doesn't think much about these issues —
they are fundamentally pro-Russian, but they have understood that this is not
very good electorally,” the official added.
Much will
depend on who ultimately stands in next year's election as the National Rally's
presidential candidate. Bardella currently tops polls, but Marine Le Pen is
appealing an electoral ban after being convicted of embezzlement. If Le Pen
wins her appeal, her name will almost certainly be back on the ballot for the
Elysée.
While
Bardella is tougher on Putin, Le Pen hails from the "Gaullist"
tradition of President Charles de Gaulle, who was hostile to the U.S. and
promoted cooperation with the Soviet Union. Le Pen has repeatedly vowed to pull
France out of NATO's integrated command and has yet to live down a controversy
over the party's multi-million-euro 2014 loan from a Moscow-linked bank.
“The
foreign policy line will not be the same depending on whether Jordan Bardella
or Marine Le Pen is the candidate [in 2027]. Marine is completely in the
Gaullist tradition, while Jordan is more on a Gaullist-Atlanticist line,” said
a high-profile National Rally member, granted anonymity to speak freely about
the party's internal dynamics.
Bardella’s
rebrand
For the
National Rally, softening the Kremlin-friendly rhetoric was a key pillar of its
strategy to enter the political mainstream.
The goal
was to appeal to a wider range of voters while bolstering the party’s
credibility. Partly for that reason, it made something of a show in 2023 of
paying back its highly controversial loan from a Russian-linked lender.
Last
year, National Rally MEPs abstained from European Parliament resolutions
regarding Russia and Ukraine. | Frederick Florin/AFP via Getty Images
Russia’s
war on Ukraine accelerated the far-right party’s apparent shift.“I condemned,
and the National Rally condemned, without the slightest ambiguity, Russia's
aggression against Ukraine,” Bardella told the BBC last month.
But the
party's overall position remains ambiguous at best, especially on its
willingness to confront Moscow. Last year, National Rally MEPs abstained from
European Parliament resolutions regarding Russia and Ukraine, while in Paris,
far-right MPs also abstained in a symbolic National Assembly vote on military
and political support for Kyiv.
Bardella's
support for Ukraine also has clear limits. He has spoken against sending
long-range missiles to Kyiv and against deploying French troops to post-war
Ukraine unless there’s a mandate from the United Nations.
“Since
2022, Marine Le Pen and Jordan Bardella have significantly toned down their
previous pro-Russian rhetoric. It had become inaudible,” said Olivier Schmitt,
the Institute for Military Operations' head of research at the Royal Danish
Defence College. “Jordan Bardella is probably the one who has gone furthest in
this change of tone, as he does not have the same pro-Russian entourage as
Marine Le Pen.”
“This
shift is certainly tactical, since the vast majority of the French population
supports Ukraine against Russia, but its sustainability is doubtful,” he added.
Bardella,
a member of the European Parliament who was elected as party president in 2021,
has been the face of the National Rally’s change. In 2023, he said — in an
interview with French newspaper L'Opinion — that there was a “collective
naïvité” toward Putin’s intentions.
In
December, National Rally lawmakers approved a boost in France’s defense
spending, which was partly framed by the government as a means to contend with
a potential war between NATO and Russia.
"In debates on the military programming
law, the National Rally supported a change in the format of the armed forces,
partly because of the threat posed by Russia and the undesirable hypothesis of
a high-intensity conflict with Russia,” said Thionnet, one of Bardella’s close
advisors on defense policy. “What we do not accept is presenting this shock as
inevitable, when we should be working on how to avoid it.”
Unlike
French President Emmanuel Macron, however, even the National Rally’s most
pro-Ukraine factions refuse to qualify Moscow as an “existential threat” for
France.
But
Mariani’s hardline pro-Russia stance is isolated, Thionnet argued.
“On this
specific issue [of Russia], Thierry Mariani has a personal opinion that does
not represent the entire party,” he said.
Mariani
traveled to Crimea after its annexation by Russia and said after Moscow's
invasion of Ukraine that both countries had "provoked" the war. To
this day he still appears in Russian media, where he has recently hinted that
both Macron and Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy have an interest in
keeping the war going.
“The
party's position challenges the idea that Russia poses an ‘existential’ threat
to France, like Islamism does, but affirms that it does indeed pose a
multidimensional threat,” Thionnet
stressed.
Old
habits die hard
Despite
Bardella’s attempt at a revamp, the old guard remains influential within the
far-right party and the most Russia-friendly figures have not been sidelined.
Patrice
Hubert, who was the party's point person in Moscow in the 2010s when it was
still known as the National Front, was appointed director general last fall.
Despite
his pro-Kremlin rhetoric, Mariani was also named as the party's candidate for
Paris mayor and is totally clear on his strategic position.
“The
National Rally’s historical position is still one of non-alignment with NATO
and Europe, and no European army,” he told POLITICO.
According
to a report in Le Point, confirmed by POLITICO, Philippe Olivier — one of Le
Pen’s close advisors — has expressed annoyance at Thionnet’s line behind closed
doors. Speaking to POLITICO, another high-ranking member described Bardella’s
man as an “Atlanticist” — an insult in a party that has long been fiercely
anti-American. They were all granted anonymity because of the sensitivity of
the subject within the party.
“The
National Rally's pro-Russian networks have been structured for a long time and
are likely to be long-lasting,” said Schmitt from the Royal Danish Defence
College.
On NATO,
the party's position is fluid. While leaving the integrated command is still on
the agenda, Thionnet pledged that France, under his party’s leadership,
wouldn’t pull back abruptly from the military alliance.
“Withdrawal
from NATO's integrated command would not be disorderly, and there would be no
questioning of France’s commitment to our allies or of Article 5,” he said,
referring to the presence of French troops in frontline states such as Estonia
and Romania.
In recent
months, as the war in Ukraine drags on, the far-right party has sought to cast
itself as promoting peace. Leading party members have also said France should
be careful not to provoke Russia.
On
deploying French troops in post-war Ukraine, "Marine Le Pen has already
said that only participation under a U.N. peacekeeping mandate would be
acceptable,” stressed Renaud Labaye, the party’s secretary general in the
National Assembly. “If it is under a NATO mandate, we cannot consider it. It
would be like waving a red flag in front of Russia, and that is one of the
factors that triggered the conflict.”
In the
past year, National Rally lawmakers have regularly accused Macron of
war-mongering and of using the war in Ukraine to obscure domestic troubles.
In
December, unlike most other lawmakers taking the stage, Le Pen barely mentioned
Russia in a speech about France’s military expenditures and the international
context — instead slamming the European Commission for allegedly seeking
greater power over national defense policies.
“With
this speech,” said a second French defense official, “we have seen that Le
Pen’s main enemy is Europe, not Russia.”
Anthony
Lattier contributed to this report.


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