The
country where the left (not the far right) made hardline immigration laws
5 June
2025
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c1mgkd93r4yo
Katya
Adler
Europe
editor
Think,
Denmark. Images of sleek, impossibly chic Copenhagen, the capital, might spring
to mind. As well as a sense of a liberal, open society. That is the
Scandinavian cliché.
But when
it comes to migration, Denmark has taken a dramatically different turn. The
country is now "a pioneer in restrictive migration policies" in
Europe, according to Marie Sandberg, Director of the Centre for Advanced
Migration Studies (AMIS) at the University of Copenhagen - both when it comes
to asylum-seekers and economic migrants looking to work in Denmark.
Even more
surprising, perhaps, is who is behind this drive. It's generally assumed 'far
right' politicians are gaining in strength across Europe on the back of
migration fears, but that's far from the full picture.
In
Denmark – and in Spain, which is tackling the issue in a very different but no
less radical way by pushing for more, not less immigration - the politicians
taking the migration bull by the horns, now come from the centre left of
politics.
How come?
And can the rest of Europe - including the UK's Labour government - learn from
them?
Unsettling
times in Europe
Migration
is a top voter priority, right across Europe. We live in really unsettling
times. As war rages in Ukraine, Russia is waging hybrid warfare, such as cyber
attacks across much of the continent. Governments talk about spending more on
defence, while most European economies are spluttering. Voters worry about the
cost of living and into this maelstrom of anxieties comes concern about
migration.
But in
Denmark, the issue has run deeper, and for longer.
Immigration
began to grow apace following World War Two, increasing further – and rapidly -
in recent decades. The proportion of Danish residents who are immigrants, or
who have two immigrant parents, has increased more than fivefold since 1985,
according to the Migration Policy Institute (MPI).
A turning
point was ten years ago, during the 2015 European migration and refugee crisis,
when well over a million migrants came to Europe, mostly heading to the
wealthier north, to countries like Denmark, Sweden and Germany.
Denmark
allowed authorities to confiscate asylum seekers' jewellery and valuables
Slogans
like "Danskerne Først" (Danes First) resonated with the electorate.
When I interviewed supporters of the hard-right nationalist, anti-immigration,
Danish People's Party (DPP) that year they told me, "We don't see
ourselves as racists but we do feel we are losing our country."
Denmark
came under glaring international attention for its hardline refugee stance,
after it allowed the authorities to confiscate asylum seekers' jewellery and
other valuables, saying this was to pay towards their stay in Denmark.
The
Danish immigration minister put up a photo of herself on Facebook having a cake
decorated with the number 50 and a Danish flag to celebrate passing her 50th
amendment to tighten immigration controls.
And
Danish law has only tightened further since then.
Plans to
detain migrants on an island
Mayors
from towns outside Copenhagen had long been sounding the alarm about the
effects of the speedy influx of migrants.
Migrant
workers and their families had tended to move just outside the capital, to
avoid high living costs. Denmark's famous welfare system was perceived to be
under strain. Infant schools were said to be full of children who didn't speak
Danish. Some unemployed migrants reportedly received resettlement payments that
made their welfare benefits larger than those of unemployed Danes, and
government statistics suggested immigrants were committing more crimes than
others. Local resentment was growing, mayors warned.
Today
Denmark's has become one of the loudest voices in Europe calling for asylum
seekers and other migrants turning up without legal papers to be processed
outside the continent.
The
country had first looked at detaining migrants without papers on a Danish
island that used to house a centre for contagious animals. That plan was
shelved.
Then
Copenhagen passed a law in 2021 allowing asylum claims to be processed and
refugees to be resettled in partner countries, like Rwanda. The UK's former
Conservative government attempted a not dissimilar plan that was later
annulled.
Copenhagen's
Kigali plan hasn't progressed much either but it's tightened rules on family
reunions, which not long ago, was seen as a refugee's right. It has also made
all refugees' stay in Denmark temporary by law, whatever their need for
protection.
But many
of Denmark's harsh measures seemed targeted as much at making headlines, as
taking action. The Danish authorities intentionally created a "hostile
environment" for migrants", says Alberto Horst Neidhardt, senior
analyst at the European Policy Centre.
And
Denmark has been keen for the word to spread.
Denmark
placed adverts in Lebanese newspapers warning how tough Danish migration
policies were
It put
advertisements in Lebanese newspapers at the height of the migrant crisis, for
example, warning how tough Danish migration policies were.
"The
goal has been to reduce all incentives to come to Denmark," says Susi Dennison, senior policy fellow at the European
Council on Foreign Relations.
"The
Danes have gone further than most European governments," she explains. Not
just honing in on politically sensitive issues like crime and access to
benefits but with explicit talk about a zero asylum seekers policy.
And yet
"before the 2015 refugee crisis, there was a stereotype of Nordic
countries being very internationalist… and having a welcoming culture for
asylum seekers," says Ms Dennison.
Then
suddenly the reaction was, "No. Our first goal is to provide responsibly
for Danish people."
The
turning-point was, she argues, also triggered by Denmark's neighbour, Germany,
allowing a million refugees and others to stay in the country, during the
migrant crisis.
"That
was a political choice that had repercussions across Europe."
Where
Denmark's left came in
By 2015
the anti-migration Danish People's Party was the second biggest power in
Denmark's parliament. But at the same time, the Social Democrats - under new
leader Mette Frederiksen – decided to fight back, making a clear, public break
with the party's past reputation of openness to migration.
"My
party should have listened," Frederiksen said.
Under her
leadership, the party tacked towards what's generally seen as the political
"far right" in terms of migration and made hardline DPP-associated
asylum policies, their own. But they also doubled down on issues more
traditionally associated with the left: public services.
Danes pay
the highest tax rates in Europe across all household types. They expect top
notch public services in return. Frederiksen argued that migration levels
threatened social cohesion and social welfare, with the poorest Danes losing
out the most.
That is
how her party justify their tough migration rules.
Many
refugees stayed in Germany during the migrant crisis in 2015
Frederiksen's
critics see her 'rightwards swing' as a cynical ploy to get into, and then stay
in, power. She insists her party's convictions are sincere. Whatever the case,
it worked in winning votes.
Federiksen
has been Denmark's prime minister since 2019, and in last year's election to
the European Parliament, the populist nationalist Danish People's Party
scrambled to hold on to a single seat.
A
blurring of left and right?
The
political labels of old are blurring. It's not just Denmark. Across Europe,
parties of the centre - right and left - are increasingly using language
traditionally associated with the "far right" when it comes to
migration to claw back, or hold on to votes.
Sir Keir
Starmer recently came under fire when, during a speech on immigration, he spoke
of the danger of his country becoming 'an island of strangers'.
At the
same time in Europe, right-wing parties are adopting social policies
traditionally linked to the left to broaden their appeal.
In the
UK, the leader of the anti-migration, opposition Reform Party Nigel Farage has
been under attack for generous shadow budget proposals that critics say don't
add up.
In
France, centrist Emmanuel Macron has sounded increasingly hardline on
immigration in recent years, while his political nemesis the National Rally
Party leader Marine Le Pen has been heavily mixing social welfare policies into
her nationalist agenda to attract more mainstream voters.
Avoiding
'hysterical rhetoric'
But can
Danish - and in particular, Danish Social Democrat - tough immigration policies
be deemed a success?
The
answer depends on which criteria you use to judge them.
Asylum
claim applications are certainly down in Denmark, in stark contrast to much of
the rest of Europe. The number, as of May 2025, is the lowest in 40 years,
according to immigration.dk, an online information site for refugees in
Denmark.
But
Nordic Denmark is certainly not what's seen as a frontline state - like Italy -
where people smugglers' boats frequently wash up along its shores.
"Frederiksen
is in a favourable geographical position," argues Europe professor,
Timothy Garton Ash, from Oxford University. But he also praises Denmark's prime
minister for addressing the problem of migration, without adopting
"hysterical rhetoric".
But
others say new legislation has damaged Denmark's reputation for respecting
international humanitarian law and the rights of asylum-seekers. Michelle Pace,
Professor in Global Studies at Roskilde University, says it has become hard to
protect refugees in Denmark, where "the legal goalposts keep moving."
Danish
citizens with a migrant background have also been made to feel like outsiders,
she notes.
She cites
the Social Democrats' "parallel societies" law, which allows the
state to sell off or demolish apartment blocks in troubled areas where at least
half of residents have a "non-Western" background.
The
Social Democrats say the law is aimed at improving integration but Prof Pace
insists it is alienating. The children of immigrants are told they aren't
Danish or a "pure Dane," she argues.
In
February this year, a senior advisor to the EU's top court described the
non-Western provision of the Danish law as discriminatory on the basis of
ethnic origin.

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