Lecornu
takes his turn on France’s political tightrope
If the
prime minister fails to navigate between the demands of the Socialists and his
center-right coalition partners, he’ll be leading France into uncharted
territory.
September
24, 2025 4:45 am CET
By
Mujtaba Rahman
Mujtaba
Rahman is the head of Eurasia Group’s Europe practice. He tweets at
@Mij_Europe.
https://www.politico.eu/article/sebastien-lecornu-take-turn-france-political-tightrope/
Few prime
ministers in French history have entered office so exposed to the risk of
instant rejection and calamitous failure as Sébastien Lecornu.
President
Emmanuel Macron’s latest prime minister has inherited the twin problems of a
ballooning deficit and a splintered National Assembly, which have combined to
defeat two very experienced 70-something politicians, François Bayrou and
Michel Barnier, in the last 10 months.
Lecornu
has no experience at the highest levels of government. And though he’s had a
meteoric rise since transitioning from the center right to join Macron’s
promised “revolution of the center” eight years ago, he remains largely unknown
to the French public. Still, throughout his tenure as junior environment
minister and then defense minister, he’s grown closer to Macron than any of the
other prime ministers or senior ministers in the six governments that have come
and gone since 2017.
Lecornu
now has less than two weeks to shape the broad outlines of a deficit-cutting
deal with the Socialist swing group in the National Assembly, and one month
before he has to present detailed plans for a 2026 budget to parliament on Oct.
13. But Macron himself has given the new prime minister an even tighter
deadline: The principles of a budget deal must be agreed on before any
ministerial posts are allotted upon the president’s return from the U.N.
General Assembly on Sept. 24.
The
problem is, if and when a broad approach is settled on, detailed negotiations
with the Socialists on the deficit-cutting budget could go on for quite some
time — and Lecornu’s government may not survive beyond the end of next month.
The
Socialists, whose 66 votes in the assembly control the prime minister’s fate,
say they want an early promise that he’ll radically change course from his
predecessor Bayrou, who was planning to reduce the deficit by €44 billion next
year. Rather, they want a deficit cut of no more than €22 billion, mainly
achieved via a new mechanism for taxing the “super rich.” And even more
problematic, they’re insisting the new government suspend Macron’s
controversial 2023 pension reform.
Lecornu
has already signaled his willingness to make concessions, telling the French
regional press over the weekend that Bayrou’s plan to abolish two public
holidays in order to raise €4 billion will be abandoned. As will the previous
prime minister’s plan to reduce the deficit to 4.6 percent of GDP next year
(from an expected 5.4 percent of GDP this year).
Instead,
the Lecornu government wants to hold out for a cut to around 4.8 percent of GDP
— though the Socialists say a reduction to 5 percent is all the country can
sustain. Moreover, they’re demanding there be no freeze in social spending, as
well as increased budgets for education and health.
The
Socialists also claim, rather improbably, that almost all the deficit savings
can be achieved via their new proposed wealth tax. And though Lecornu’s
government is ready to accept a less draconian wealth tax, which would be
levied only on noncommercial assets, the center-right part of the minority
coalition warns that any large tax hikes might breach their redlines.
Most
worryingly for Lecornu, though, Socialist leaders have again decided to raise
the thorny issue of pension reform. And they say there can be no deal unless
the new prime minister suspends the progressive increase of France’s official
retirement age from 62 to 64, which was imposed by special government powers in
2023.
Such a
demand would be a deal-breaker. Pension reform is one of the few
accomplishments of Macron’s second term. It’s also one of the few
deficit-reducing measures passed in recent years — reversing or suspending it
would undermine any remaining market confidence in France’s ability to confront
its debt problem.
And
though the government may offer some kind of revision of the overhaul,
improving the terms for women and manual laborers, that may not be enough to
secure a non-aggression or non-censure pact with all 66 Socialist deputies —
which Lecornu needs to survive.
Ultimately,
Lecornu is gambling on the Socialists’ fear of an early parliamentary election
— something that would become very likely if another prime minister were to
fall. But some Socialists, however, say their real fear is making a deal with
an unpopular government, which would wreck the party’s chances of holding onto
big cities, including Paris, in next year’s municipal elections.
Now,
Lecornu must find a narrow path between these maximalist Socialist demands for
taxing the wealthy and the anti-tax redlines drawn by his center-right
coalition partners. If he fails to navigate a route through this minefield,
he’ll be leading France into truly uncharted territory.

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