Analysis
Netanyahu
must now work for support of US as Trump tires of Israel’s war in Gaza
Emma
Graham-Harrison
in Jerusalem
The US
president will not visit Israel on a trip to the Middle East and his envoy has
reportedly said Netanyahu’s government is drawing out the war
Mon 12 May
2025 18.28 BST
Trump’s
Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff didn’t mince his words. In a meeting late on
Sunday with former hostages and relatives of those still held in Gaza, he told
them Israel is drawing out a war the US wants to end, local media reported.
On the eve
of the release of Edan Alexander, the last living American being held by Hamas,
Witkoff spelt out the gulf between his boss and the government of Benjamin
Netanyahu.
“We want to
bring the hostages home, but Israel is not willing to end the war. Israel is
prolonging it – despite the fact that we don’t see where else we can go and
that an agreement must be reached,” Witkoff told the meeting, according to
Channel 12 Television, quoting sources who were present.
It was the
latest in a series of high-profile and high-stakes snubs from the White House
which suggest that Israel’s most important ally is frustrated with its
government – and possibly losing interest in its fortunes.
“Trump’s not
against Israel, but he doesn’t care about Israel,” said Alon Pinkas, a former
Israeli diplomat. “As far as Trump is concerned, Netanyahu has become an
irritant and an irritant that doesn’t contribute to the bank account.”
Trump may
not have embarked on the open attacks that have characterised his relationship
with other leaders fighting a war he wants to end, such as Ukraine’s Volodymyr
Zelenskyy and Russia’s Vladimir Putin, but recent policy moves have undermined
Israeli security, weakened its diplomatic standing and flown against Israeli
defence policy, particularly over how to handle Iran.
Last week
Trump announced a ceasefire deal with the Iranian-backed Houthis in Yemen which
excluded Israel. He described the Houthi rebels as “brave” just days after one
of their missiles hit Israel’s main airport, prompting many international
airlines to suspend flights. Houthi attacks on Israel have continued.
He
previously dismissed Israeli calls for military action against Iran, instead
opening talks with Tehran on ending its nuclear programme.
Days after
the Houthi ceasefire deal, news leaked that the Trump administration had
dropped a Biden-era demand that linked progress on a Saudi Arabian civilian
nuclear programme to normalising relations with Israel.
Saudi Arabia
has ruled out normalisation while Israel is at war in Gaza. Trump’s move made
clear he doesn’t want his hands to be tied as he heads to Riyadh later this
week to seal billions of dollars in expected deals.
His first
trip to the region since returning to the White House will also include visits
to Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, but not Israel. That conspicuous absence
from the presidential itinerary would have been unthinkable in recent decades.
Ilan Baruch,
a former Israeli ambassador who now chairs the Policy Working Group, which
advocates for a two-state solution, said: “Trump, it seems, has embarked on a
bluntly new trajectory.
“Israel was
expecting the Trump administration to stay the course within a paradigm of
‘shared convictions and mutual strategic interests’. Trump is the first
president in a generation to put this equation in doubt.”
Strong,
long-term support for Israel among much of Trump’s Republican base means
Netanyahu is in a better position to hold on to US support than a leader like
the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, said Nadav Eyal, a research
scholar at Columbia University and a commentator with the Israeli newspaper
Yedioth Ahronoth.
“As to how
serious the damage is, I would say right now it is not lasting … not a full
blown crisis yet,” he said. “I suspect that both sides will try to mitigate,
negotiate, and not make it a public confrontation.”
Still,
Netanyahu’s celebration of Israel-US ties at the start of the year, when he was
the first foreign leader invited to Trump’s second-term White House, now look
premature.
Although
Alexander’s release was agreed without Israeli input, Netanyahu responded
initially not by thanking Trump but by in effect claiming credit for it.
“The
expected release of IDF soldier Edan Alexander without anything in return will
be possible due to the vigorous policy that we have led with the backing of
President Trump, and thanks to the military pressure of IDF soldiers in the
Gaza Strip,” his office said in a statement before his planned release.
He is
already facing the fury of hostage families and their supporters, who say he is
extending the war – and their suffering – for personal political gain. One,
Einav Tsengauker, described the prime minister on Monday as an “angel of
death”.
But
Netanyahu’s truculent response to the release of Alexander risks stirring up
the anger of a far more potent enemy, whose endless appetite for praise and
deference is now the basis of global foreign policy from Beijing to Brussels.
Trump’s post
celebrating Alexander’s release spelt out what he wants to see next. “Hopefully
this is the first of those final steps necessary to end this brutal conflict. I
look very much forward to that day of celebration!”
There is
broad support inside Israel for ending the war in return for the release of all
hostages, with opinion polls showing more than two-thirds of the country back a
deal.
But those
who want to carry on fighting include the leaders of two far-right parties at
the heart of Netanyahu’s coalition. That leaves Netanyahu potentially facing a
choice between shoring up his government, or shoring up Israel’s most important
relationship.
“If he wants
Trump back on his side, then he needs to do things that would cost him the
coalition,” said Pinkas, the former diplomat. “If you look at his biography and
experience, he should be fully aware of all this. If you look at his behaviour,
it’s as if he has no idea what’s going on.”
Sem comentários:
Enviar um comentário