Denying
Visas to Chinese Students Could Backfire on America
Protecting
the borders from espionage is essential. It’s something else to deny students
because they are Chinese and hope to pursue a STEM degree in the United States.
Li Yuan
By Li Yuan
May 30, 2025
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/30/business/china-student-visas-trump.html
One night in
1978, President Jimmy Carter got a phone call at 3 a.m. from a top adviser who
was visiting China.
“Deng
Xiaoping insisted I call you now, to see if you would permit 5,000 Chinese
students to come to American universities,” said the official, Frank Press.
“Tell him to
send 100,000,” Mr. Carter replied.
By
Christmastime that year, the first group of 52 Chinese students had arrived in
the United States, just ahead of the formal establishment of U.S.-Chinese
diplomatic relations on New Year’s Day. A month later, Mr. Deng, China’s top
leader, made a historic visit to America during which he watched John Denver
sing “Take Me Home, Country Roads” and was photographed wearing a cowboy hat.
It’s almost
hard to believe how little contact there had been between the United States and
modern China before that. The Sinologist John K. Fairbank wrote in 1971: “Since
1950 Washington has officially sent more men to the moon than it has to China.”
The visits by Mr. Deng and, more important, by those first Chinese students
began a new chapter that would fundamentally change China — and the world. The
United States gained access to a vast market and talent pool, while China found
a model and a partner for transforming its economy.
Now that
chapter has closed, after the Trump administration announced on Wednesday that
it would begin “aggressively” revoking the visas of Chinese students.
For the
millions of Chinese who have studied in the United States, myself included, it
is a sobering and disheartening development. It marks a turning point that
America, long a beacon of openness and opportunity, would start shutting its
doors to Chinese who aspire to a good education and a future in a society that
values freedom and human dignity.
By curbing
people-to-people exchanges, President Trump is taking a decisive step toward
decoupling from China. To treat Chinese students and professionals in science
and technology broadly not as contributors, but as potential security risks,
reflects a foreign policy driven more by insecurity and retreat than by the
self-assurance of a global leader.
The reaction
to the new policy inside China, reflected in the U.S. Embassy’s social media
accounts, was mixed. Some commenters thanked the United States for “sending
China’s brightest minds back.” Others drew historical parallels, comparing the
Trump administration’s isolationist turn to China’s Ming and Qing dynasties —
once global powers that declined after turning inward and were ultimately
defeated in foreign invasions. One commenter remarked that the policy’s
narrow-mindedness would “make America small again.”
The shift
also comes when many young Chinese, disillusioned by political repression and
economic stagnation under Xi Jinping’s leadership, are trying to flee the
country to seek freedom and opportunities.
“Xi is
pushing many of the best and the brightest to leave China,” said Thomas E.
Kellogg, executive director of Georgetown’s Center for Asian Law and a leading
scholar of legal reform in China. “The U.S. should be taking advantage of this
historic brain drain, not shutting the door to many talented Chinese young
people.”
The number
of Chinese students in the United States dropped to about 277,000 in the
2023-24 academic year, a 25 percent decline from its peak four years earlier,
according to government data. Students from China remained the second-largest
group of international students, after those from India. In fact, applications
for postgraduation temporary employment permits rose 12 percent in 2023-24 from
the prior year, signaling more interest in working in the United States despite
the challenges.
The new visa
policy will leave many of these students with little choice but to leave, or at
the least reconsider their future in the United States.
I
interviewed a doctoral candidate in computer science at a top American
university, a young man from China who first dreamed of studying in America at
17, when he began to question Chinese government propaganda. He arrived eight
years ago and never seriously considered returning. But now, facing the threat
of visa revocation, he said he was no longer sure if he could — or even wanted
to — stay.
“America
doesn’t feel worth it anymore,” he said, asking me not to identify him for fear
of retribution from Washington. The immigration process is fraught with
anxiety, he said, and the returns no longer seem to justify the stress. He said
he was exploring work visa options in Canada, Australia and Western Europe,
even though he has a job offer from a big tech company on the West Coast.
“The pay
might be lower,” he said, “but those countries offer more personal freedom.”
His
experience is in stark contrast to that of Dong Jielin, who was among the first
Chinese students to come to the United States after the Cultural Revolution.
When she arrived at Carnegie Mellon in 1982 on a U.S. scholarship, she knew
little about the country beyond what the Chinese state media had portrayed: a
capitalist society in perpetual crisis and a people living in misery.
It didn’t
take long for her perception to shift. “The moment I walked into a supermarket,
I could see that life here was far from miserable,” she told me in an
interview. Encounters with Americans quickly dispelled other myths as well.
“They were not vicious or hostile,” she said. “They were warm and kind.”
Ms. Dong
went on to earn a doctoral degree in physics, build a career in finance and
technology, become a U.S. citizen and raise a family.
The U.S.
government has good reasons to worry about national security risks from China,
including espionage and intellectual property theft. The Federal Bureau of
Investigation calls the Chinese government the most prolific sponsor of talent
recruitment programs that aim to transfer scientific and technological
breakthroughs to China.
It also
makes sense to block people with ties to China’s military industrial complex.
But it’s
something else entirely to deny visas to 18-year-old students simply because
they are Chinese and hope to pursue a STEM degree in the United States.
American
officials often say they aim to distinguish between the Chinese Communist Party
and the Chinese people. That distinction was emphasized during Mr. Trump’s
first term. It’s largely absent now.
U.S. policy
now targets anyone with ties to the Chinese Communist Party. But the party has
nearly 100 million members, about one in 14 Chinese. And most children in China
grow up as members of the Young Pioneers and Communist Youth League,
school-based party organizations. It’s just the way of life in a country ruled
by a Leninist party.
As one
commenter put it on the U.S. Embassy’s WeChat account, “How could any Chinese
not be associated with the Party?”
The policy
is also very likely to backfire.
Researchers
found that Chinese undergraduates in American universities were more
predisposed to favor liberal democracy than their peers in China. However, they
said, exposure to xenophobic, anti-Chinese comments by Americans significantly
decreased their belief that political reforms are desirable for China. Those
who experienced discrimination were more likely to reject democratic values in
favor of autocratic ones.
Chinese who
have studied abroad also face growing suspicion at home. The government and
some employers believe that exposure to Western values makes their fellow
Chinese politically unreliable.
Dong
Mingzhu, chairwoman of the appliance giant Gree Electric, said recently that
her company would never hire a graduate from a foreign university. “There are
spies among them,” she said.
On the
Chinese internet, some people compared her to Secretary of State Marco Rubio,
who announced the visa policy.
Dong Jielin,
the former student who was among the first to come to the United States, said
the experience had a profound impact on her life, giving her the opportunity to
explore the frontiers of science and technology.
It is
understandable, she said, that the government is raising screening standards
for student visas. “But I believe the vast majority of those who stay in the
U.S. will, over time, become loyal American citizens,” she said, just like
herself.
A correction
was made on May 30, 2025: An earlier version of this column misstated the
proportion of Chinese who are members of the Chinese Communist Party. It is one
in 14, not one in seven.
When we
learn of a mistake, we acknowledge it with a correction. If you spot an error,
please let us know at nytnews@nytimes.com.Learn more
Li Yuan
writes The New New World column, which focuses on China’s growing influence on
the world by examining its businesses, politics and society.
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