Harris’s
Views on Israel Are in the Spotlight as Netanyahu Visits Washington
The vice
president will be closely watched this week for signs of her approach to the
war in Gaza should she win the White House in November.
Erica L.
Green Michael Crowley
By Erica L.
Green and Michael Crowley
Reporting
from Washington
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/23/us/politics/harris-netanyahu-israel-gaza.html
Published
July 23, 2024
Updated July
24, 2024, 12:40 a.m. ET
In her first
week as the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, Vice President Kamala
Harris will confront the most politically divisive issue in U.S. foreign policy
as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel pays an official visit to
Washington.
Mr.
Netanyahu’s trip throws a spotlight on the views of Ms. Harris, who has emerged
as a forceful voice on the Israel-Hamas war, particularly in discussing the
plight of innocent Palestinians. In a civil rights speech in Selma, Ala., this
year, Ms. Harris garnered widespread attention for calling for an “immediate
cease-fire” and assailing Israel for creating a “humanitarian catastrophe” in
Gaza.
Ms. Harris
will meet privately with the Israeli leader at the White House. But her remarks
before and after their conversation will be closely watched for signals about
her approach to Israel’s war against Hamas in Gaza should she win the White
House in November.
President
Biden, who will meet with Mr. Netanyahu on Thursday, has seen his popularity
dive among progressive Democratic voters, as he has resisted their pleas to
halt the flow of American arms to Israel. The damage has been acute in key
battleground states such as Michigan. Democrats hope that Ms. Harris will be
largely free of that stigma and can win back those liberals who have said they
could never vote for Mr. Biden because of his Israel policies.
Ms. Harris
plans to skip Mr. Netanyahu’s address to a joint session of Congress on
Wednesday, White House officials say, which surely will not hurt that effort.
She will instead keep a longstanding commitment to speak at an event in Indiana
hosted by one of the country’s largest historically Black sororities.
Although Ms.
Harris has been seen as more sharply critical of the war in Gaza than Mr. Biden
has been, she is not expected to express views to Mr. Netanyahu in their
meeting that differ from current policy.
It is
unclear how much her views do differ. Even her call for a cease-fire, which
generated headlines suggesting new U.S. pressure on Israel, was consistent with
Mr. Biden’s position — a demand that Hamas accept an Israeli proposal to stop
the fighting in exchange for the release of hostages held in Gaza. But her tone
and emphasis on human suffering marked a drastic rhetorical turning point for
how the administration discussed the cost of the war.
Still, how
Ms. Harris navigates the week will be closely watched, experts and voters say,
particularly for signs of a shift on the intensely debated question of whether
the United States should condition military aid to Israel to limit Palestinian
civilian casualties.
Josh Paul,
who resigned from the State Department last fall in protest over Mr. Biden’s
continued arms deliveries to Israel, cautioned that political dynamics would
limit Ms. Harris’s ability to make dramatic changes. But he said Ms. Harris
“would certainly show more pragmatism and flexibility than Biden has, and in
her public commentary has also demonstrated a far more humanizing approach to
the Palestinians in the past year.”
During the
sit-down with Mr. Netanyahu, Ms. Harris is expected to reiterate U.S. support
for Israel’s war in Gaza, launched after the Oct. 7 Hamas attacks that killed
more than 1,200 people. She will also convey her deep concerns about the
Palestinian death toll, which has surpassed 38,000, according to the Gaza
Health Ministry, and make the administration’s case that Mr. Netanyahu should
try to clinch a cease-fire deal with Hamas as soon as possible.
There is no
evidence that Ms. Harris has mounted internal challenges against Mr. Biden’s
policy toward Israel. But she had pressed administration officials, including
the president, to express more sympathy for Palestinians as the death toll
soared in Gaza. And analysts say she played a notable public role by expressing
sharper criticism of Mr. Netanyahu’s government than Mr. Biden was able to
muster, for either personal or diplomatic reasons.
Khaled
Elgindy, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, said Ms. Harris had
demonstrated a “capacity for public empathy” toward the Palestinians.
“That’s
something the president himself has clearly struggled with,” he said. “And
empathy is not something you can fake. I think people see through it. And I
think that’s been the biggest difference.”
Mr. Elgindy
said it was hard to know whether Ms. Harris might intend to shift U.S. policy
on Israel if she is elected. But he and other analysts said she does not seem
to share the same emotional connection to Israel as does Mr. Biden, who has
called himself a Zionist.
Ms. Harris
has also impressed some war critics and irritated Israel hawks with expressions
of sympathy for campus activists protesting the war. “They are showing exactly
what the human emotion should be, as a response to Gaza,” Ms. Harris told The
Nation magazine. While noting that the protesters have said some things “that I
absolutely reject,” she added, “I understand the emotion behind it.”
In an
interview with the Israeli news site Ynet on Tuesday, Michael Herzog, Israel’s
ambassador to Washington, said of Ms. Harris: “Overall her record is positive,
and she has often expressed support for the State of Israel, and support for
American aid to Israel.” But he added that in recent months, Ms. Harris had
“made quite a few problematic statements in the context of the war in Gaza,”
something he suggested was influenced by “the more progressive camp in the
Democratic Party.”
“Is this
something that will continue to follow us in the future as well?” he said. “We
will have to see and of course have a dialogue with her about these things.”
Some
analysts note that Ms. Harris’s husband, Doug Emhoff, is Jewish, and has taken
an active stand against the rise of antisemitism on college campuses and
elsewhere. But Jewish Americans themselves are sharply divided on U.S. policy
toward Israel, and his personal views are unclear.
Ms. Harris
has been largely spared the protests and vitriol that have hounded Mr. Biden,
Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and other U.S. officials, who have been
shouted down for abetting “genocide.”
A national
group created in protest of the war to urge voters in several states to cast
“uncommitted” votes has expressed cautious optimism in Ms. Harris.
“While the
vice presidency is limited, many feel that she would be an improvement from
Biden’s severe lack of empathy for Palestinians and his ties to the AIPAC old
guard in the party,” said Waleed Shahid, co-founder of the Uncommitted National
Movement. AIPAC, or the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, advocates in
Washington for the group’s hawkish definition of Israeli security.
“However,
challenging AIPAC’s power within the Democratic Party establishment remains a
formidable task regardless of who the nominee is,” he added.
Aides to Ms.
Harris said she remained unwavering in her support of Israel. She has been
equally forceful in her condemnation of the Oct. 7 Hamas assault, and just last
month held a forum highlighting the sexual violence perpetuated against Israeli
victims during the attacks. She has also met with families of American
hostages.
Aides say
she has been engaged with Israeli officials, having spoken regularly with
President Isaac Herzog as well as Benny Gantz, a former member of Israel’s war
cabinet. She has participated in more than 20 calls between Mr. Biden and Mr.
Netanyahu.
Ms. Harris
has also played a key role in critical diplomatic talks with Arab leaders after
relations became strained over the war.
In December,
Ms. Harris used a whirlwind trip to Dubai, where she stood in for Mr. Biden to
represent the United States at the United Nations global climate summit, to
convene the first in-person meetings by either the vice president or president
with Arab leaders since the Oct. 7 attacks. Several Arab allies had been
reluctant to engage with the United States on postwar planning.
After the
meetings, Ms. Harris announced U.S. opposition to the forced displacement of
Palestinians from Gaza and outlined a three-pronged plan to reconstruct, secure
and govern Gaza when the war ended.
Speaking to
reporters at the State Department on Tuesday, Mr. Blinken said Ms. Harris had
been “deeply engaged in the Middle East, in trying to find a peaceful path
forward.”
And before
Oct. 7, Ms. Harris had established a largely uncritical posture toward Israel.
Three months after becoming a senator in 2017, Ms. Harris spoke at AIPAC’s
annual convention, a role she called “an honor.”
During her
address, she boasted that her first act as a senator was to co-sponsor a
resolution condemning a United Nations Security Council call for Israel to
“immediately and completely cease all settlement activities in the occupied
Palestinian territory.” Ms. Harris called the U.N. measure, which President
Barack Obama declined to veto, an obstacle to an eventual Israeli-Palestinian
peace agreement.
“As Hamas
maintains its control of Gaza and fires rockets across Israel’s southern
border, we must stand with Israel,” she said later in the speech.
Joel Rubin,
a national security expert who has worked with the pro-Israel organizations,
said that Ms. Harris’s actions this week were unlikely to upset the status quo.
“People on
the left might be mad at her for meeting with the prime minister, people on the
right might be mad at her for not sitting behind him” during his address to
Congress, said Mr. Rubin, who also served as a deputy assistant secretary of
state in the Obama administration. “But she’s taking the position of an
American leader who is balancing her responsibilities.”
Edward Wong
contributed reporting.
Erica L.
Green is a White House correspondent, covering President Biden and his
administration. More about Erica L. Green
Michael
Crowley covers the State Department and U.S. foreign policy for The Times. He
has reported from nearly three dozen countries and often travels with the
secretary of state. More about Michael Crowley
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