The Guardian view on the Covid-19 standoff: it’s
a matter for the inquiry
Editorial
Lady Hallett should be able to decide what is relevant
in Boris Johnson’s papers – not the Cabinet Office
Thu 1 Jun
2023 19.00 BST
As with
everything else involving Boris Johnson, theatricality looms large in the
dispute over whether his WhatsApps, diaries and notebooks should be released
without redaction to the official Covid-19 inquiry. The Cabinet Office had
until 4pm on Thursday to comply with a demand from the inquiry chair, Lady
Hallett, to hand them all over. After the deadline passed, the standoff soon
morphed into a high-stakes court challenge by ministers. Apart from anything
else, this means further delays to an already slow inquiry process.
This
dispute could have been seen coming. Ever since Lady Hallett was appointed in
2021 to conduct what Mr Johnson called “a forensic and thoroughgoing” inquiry
into the UK’s response to the pandemic, it was blindingly clear that she would
need to see all the evidence about the government’s handling. Since Lady
Hallett was appointed under the Inquiries Act 2005, it was also clear that she
had the powers to compel witnesses and evidence. Her moral position was
strengthened further this week when Mr Johnson handed all his papers to the
Cabinet Office and said they should be passed to the inquiry.
That pulled
a lot of rug from under the government’s feet. For once, though, this dispute
is not primarily about Mr Johnson. Instead it concerns, first, the public
credibility of the way that British government does modern public inquiries
and, second, the extent to which accountability of government is practicable in
a digital and doubting world. Mr Johnson only moves centre stage over a third
issue: the impact of all this on his own career.
The main
issue is whether the inquiry has the power to decide which documents it can
study. Lady Hallett says that power is hers, given by law. The government,
represented by the Cabinet Office, claims that it can decide some material is
“unambiguously irrelevant”. Law and politics say Lady Hallett is right. The
courts will now decide. There will be terrible reputational damage to the
inquiry if the government succeeds. The way it tried to duck and weave about
the material during May adds to this.
An
important second issue is how the inquiry should cope with the digital revolution.
When communication was confined to spoken conversations, of which no verbatim
record exists, or to paper, which tends to be more formal and considered, the
government could control its own message. In the social media age, these ways
have been swamped by digital messaging, where protocols and habits of
expression are vastly different. As Rafael Behr argues in Politics: A
Survivor’s Guide: “There is an element of performance in digital interactions
that has little equivalent in analogue communication.”
The Covid
inquiry has to navigate the reality that much, even most, communication in
government and politics is now digital. The medium changes the way that
discussions of all kinds take place. This brings dangers, which Matt Hancock’s
Covid-era WhatsApps illustrated. Mr Johnson’s are unlikely to be less
performative or less embarrassing. But it is not Lady Hallett’s job to protect
him.
Finally,
there is Mr Johnson himself. He has now done a U-turn over demands for his
papers, going from refusing outright, claiming security is at stake, to saying
everything should be handed over. With his future prospects in politics at
risk, he is posing for the moment as reasonable and open. But he may not be so
forthcoming when he finally gives evidence to Lady Hallett at the end of this
year.
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