terça-feira, 12 de julho de 2022

Uber Files: The ideological overlaps between Uber and Emmanuel Macron's campaign

 



Uber Files: The ideological overlaps between Uber and Emmanuel Macron's campaign

By Damien Leloup

Published on July 12, 2022 at 07h10, updated at 07h10 on July 12, 2022

https://www.lemonde.fr/en/pixels/article/2022/07/12/uber-files-the-ideological-overlaps-between-uber-and-emmanuel-macron-s-campaign_5989833_13.html

 

INVESTIGATION For his first presidential campaign, Emmanuel Macron received the support of many supporters of the start-up, including its main lobbyist in Europe.

 

Mark MacGann got to know Emmanuel Macron well. For two years, Uber's chief lobbyist in Europe had multiple meetings, calls and text messages with the then French minister for the economy. Despite some disappointments, he stuck with his first impression of the man. He considered Mr. Macron to be a talented, charismatic man who was trying to move France in the right direction. In early 2016, on the sidelines of the Davos forum, Mr.MacGannn sent him a message to ask if he needed help launching his presidential campaign. The rumor of Mr. Macron's candidacy was already omnipresent, even though he would not officially declare himself until November.

 

Uber Files: An international investigation

Uber Files is an investigation based on thousands of internal Uber documents passed on by an anonymous source to the British newspaper The Guardian and shared with the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) and 42 partner media outlets, including Le Monde.

 

Dating from 2013 to 2017, these 124,000 documents offer a rare insight into the inner workings of a multinational company that was at the time seeking to establish itself worldwide despite a regulatory context that was unfavorable to its practices. The files shed light on Uber's lobbying actions with public authorities and reveal possible illegal practices made by the Californian group to get around laws.

 

When he proposed to help the campaign, Mr. MacGann was no longer a full-time employee of Uber. He left the company under conditions that would later become conflictual as a result of disagreements over the financial conditions of his departure. But he remained a "senior advisor to the board" until August 2016. Despite this possible conflict of interest, Mr. Macron accepted his offer and directed Mr.MacGannn to the main officials planning the still confidential project to create his new party En Marche!, now known as La République en Marche. The man who had been, just a few weeks earlier, the paid lobbyist for a controversial company and was himself at the center of the news became an activist for the future presidential party.

 

Uber lobbyist Mark MacGann says he joined the Macronist party out of pure political conviction

 

Over the next few months, Mr. MacGann actively participated in Mr. Macron's campaign, including hosting fundraising dinners in Paris and the Silicon Valley. Guests at these gatherings – tech entrepreneurs and investors from his address book – were encouraged to contribute to Mr. Macron's campaign up to the legal limit, 7,500 euros per year. They were also receptive to some of the tax measures in Mr. Macron's program, such as the abolition of wealth tax. Mr.MacGannn says he joined the party out of pure political conviction, which is confirmed by several exchanges from the time seen by Le Monde, in which he detailed his enthusiasm for the economic and societal policies of the future president.

 

Blurring of boundaries

The documents from the Uber Files do not suggest the existence of any irregularity in the financing or organization of Mr. Macron's campaign. Between Uber and En Marche!, the overlap is above all ideological. As Mr. Macron has said many times, his political project was very compatible with the model proposed by the company, combining deregulation of protected sectors, liberalization of the workforce and increased flexibility.

 

But the Uber Files also confirm the existence of a certain blurring of boundaries within the Macronist party of the time, in which personal commitment and professional interest often came together. Evidence suggests this was especially true in terms of Uber. As a document from Mr. Macron's campaign from the 2017 "MacronLeaks" e-mail leaks shows, the future MP Pierre Person, who at the time headed the Youth with Macron movement and who has since left the presidential party, solicited a "helping hand" from Stéphane Séjourné, an advisor to Mr. Macron, to support his application for a position at Uber in 2015.

 

Not long before, several key players in the 2016-2017 campaign had also been directly involved in talks with Uber. Astrid Panosyan, a co-founder of En Marche! and now an MP, participated as an adviser to Mr. Macron in meetings with Uber. Julie Bonamy, who now runs Saint-Gobain's activities in Southeast Asia, was a former digital sector specialist at En Marche! and participated in the talks that led to the secret "deal" between the minister of the economy and Uber on reducing the number of hours of training required to become a VTC driver.

 

Strange situations

Also included in En Marche! early supporters were Fabrice Comptour, at the time the chief of staff for EU Internal Market and Industry Commissioner Elzbieta Bienkowska, considered by Uber to be one of the company's top supporters in the Commission. Shortly after the launch of En Marche!, Mr. Comptour notably contributed to internal notes on European defense issues ; he told Le Monde he never took part in discussions about collaborative economy or Uber whithin the party. But there was also Christophe Caresche, a Socialist deputy who was popular with Uber, the co-leader of the "reform faction" formed around Manuel Valls and who would later support Mr. Macron. In February 2016, Mr. Caresche organized a meeting for "reformer" parliamentarians with Uber.

 

The overlap between Mr. Macron's "start-up nation" and Uber is still active. The sister of Jean-Noël Barrot, the new minister delegate for digital affairs appointed on July 4, is none other than Hélène Barrot, Uber's communications director for France and Western Europe. Mr. Barrot told the specialized media outlet Context that he would "defer" from Uber-related topics.

 

In 2017, this closeness led, at times, to some strange situations. Three months before the first round of the presidential election, Mr. MacGann put the candidate's team in touch with Jim Messina. The ex-advisor to Barack Obama had set up his own consulting company, advised Uber and was eager to offer his services to En Marche!. A meeting was arranged with Ismaël Emelien, one of Mr. Macron's closest advisors, after which Mr. Messina sent a proposal: For 50,000 dollars a month, excluding expenses, he offered to put "our experience in grassroots and digital organizing" to the service of Mr. Macron. Mr. Emelien politely declined the proposal, which was "way over our budget."

 

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Mr. Messina then responded by offering his services... for free. The offer was rejected again. The documents in Uber Files do not specify why, but a quick reading of the original quote sent by the Messina Group to Mr. Macron's campaign allows us to assume the reasons for this disinterest. In just three pages, the document proposes a copy-paste of Obama's 2008 strategy on social networks, which, nine years later, was no longer innovative. Almost all of the tools that Mr. Messina proposed to put in place were either inapplicable to the French electoral system or already widely used by En Marche!.

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