COMMENTARY
Boris Johnson: Assisted suicide or fratricide?
The manner of the prime minister’s departure may
trigger more Tory bloodletting.
BY JAMIE
DETTMER
July 11,
2022 4:07 am
Jamie
Dettmer is Opinion Editor at POLITICO Europe.
https://www.politico.eu/article/boris-johnson-assisted-suicide-or-fratricide-uk-pm/
Britain’s
shell-shocked Conservatives hope their agony has drawn to a close.
They’ve
gotten rid of Boris Johnson. Or at least they’re about to once they install a
replacement who, they hope, will unite a polarized party and grapple with the
huge social and economic challenges besetting a demoralized and disoriented
country.
Johnson has
Turkish ancestry and may be aware of the history of Mehmed II, the 15th century
Ottoman Sultan who legalized the practice of fratricide to protect the state
from siblings vying for power. “Of any of my sons that ascends the throne, it
is acceptable for him to kill his brothers for the common benefit of the
people,” Mehmed decreed.
Fratricide,
however, leaves a bitter taste and has a habit of repeating itself. Blood
begets blood. The many slayers who felled Caesar were hunted down and
slaughtered in turn. Could the political careers of Johnson’s ousters face a
similar fate?
Conservative
ministers say their dagger thrusts were for the sake of party and country — a
reasonable claim. And, anyway, Johnson’s political death was largely of his own
shambolic making — they only assisted the suicide.
“For party
and country,” was what Margaret Thatcher’s ministers told themselves after they
pushed her out in 1990. But that didn’t stop a long simmering civil war that
corroded Conservative unity for years with flare ups that derailed the
government of her successor John Major. It consigned the Tories to years of
squabbling in the political wilderness as Tony Blair’s New Labour ruled the
roost.
Boris
Johnson wasn’t loved by Tory lawmakers. He was never much of a parliamentarian
and high-handedly neglected party backbenchers – except when he needed them in
a tight corner. To him, they were there to vote and not to be heard.
As
Johnson’s downfall is seized on to settle scores, toxic aftershocks will inevitably take on
lives of their own. And as with all wars, once conflict has commenced,
trajectories can become highly unpredictable.
Politicians
are ambitious folk who will reach for anything to bash their rivals, even in
summer garden parties or the sedate tea rooms of the House of Commons.
Just hours
after Johnson announced he was quitting, the annual drinks party hosted by the
Spectator, a Conservative-friendly news weekly, gave a clear hint of the
bitterness and backstabbing to come. As aspiring Johnson replacements —
including former Chancellor of the Exchequer Rishi Sunak and Nadhim Zahawi, the
man who succeeded him — made the rounds, “all around them the knives were out,”
The Times reported from the event.
“Sunak,
already viewed as one of the front-runners, was the subject of a vicious
briefing war, derided by rivals as a socialist and ‘the Remain candidate,’ even
though he voted for Brexit,” the paper said. “Liz Truss, the foreign secretary,
was variously derided as ‘mad’ and ‘Boris in a dress,’ a comment her supporters
said was sexist.” Other reports highlighted a bust-up between bickering
aides.
Political
historian Tim Bale once noted British Conservative internecine fights take on a
particularly bitter nature: “Because the Tories have always cared as much for
men as measures, their arguments over high principle take on an extra edge by
being bound up with high politics. The really big splits in the Conservative
party’s long history have always seen fights over an issue conflated with
competition for the crown.”
The large
field of aspirants that’s forming to compete to replace Johnson reflects how
thoroughly — and possibly hopelessly — divided the party is between “small
government” libertarians, “big state” national conservatives, “one nation”
centrists, Remainers and Leavers, so-called “Blue Wall” Tories of the south of
England, and the “Red Wall” working-class northerners who traditionally voted
Labour but were lured away by Johnson.
The
soon-to-be former prime minister managed to keep that jumble together with
rhetorical sleight of hand. His successor is unlikely to be able to pull off
the same feat, especially against the backdrop of political toxicity that he
seemed to be encouraging in his “resignation” speech.
Johnson is
still adored by a large group of Conservative party members and supporters. An
opinion poll published last week, on the eve of the ministerial putsch, found
just 54 percent of Tory supporters wanted Johnson to quit — meaning a sizable
portion was sticking by him, despite all the sleaze, lies and
mismanagement.
They are
the ones who may well have been nodding their heads when, in his resignation
speech in Downing Street, Johnson blamed ministers and the parliamentary party
for his downfall. “I have tried to persuade my colleagues that it would be
eccentric to change governments when we are delivering so much, and when we
have such a vast mandate, and when we are actually only a handful of points
behind in the polls, even in mid-term,” he said.
Johnson
clearly believes he was stabbed in the back, and he may well have issued an
invitation for revenge.


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