domingo, 1 de junho de 2025

Trump’s Attack on Harvard Marks a New Phase in the Culture War

 


american affairs

Trump’s Attack on Harvard Marks a New Phase in the Culture War

By Ross Barkan, a political columnist for Intelligencer

May 29, 2025

https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/trumps-attack-on-harvard-marks-new-phase-in-the-culture-war.html

 

It is easy to understand the populist case against Harvard.

 

The elite Ivy League university holds an endowment worth more than $50 billion. For centuries, the richest, most powerful, and influential human beings on earth have gone to school there. Like other major educational institutions, Harvard does not pay taxes — and there’s an argument that local and federal governments should get much tougher with them.

 

But Donald Trump’s war on Harvard — and Columbia and other schools targeted for funding cuts and radical overhauls of their curricula — far transcends any good-faith effort to change the way universities operate. A new General Services Administration letter outlines a plan for the federal government to slash $100 million of federal contracts with Harvard following an attempt to bar foreign students from the university. The Trump administration has also paused all new interviews for student-visa applicants as it considers significantly expanding how much social-media vetting it may undertake.

 

The irony of the current moment is that conservatives are cheering all this on, that they are thrilled the federal government is at last attempting to violate the tenets of academic freedom. Big-government interference is exciting for them. The concept of the individual university that can educate students free of state interference is a relic of another age, perhaps one when they happened to not control the federal machinery.

 

All weapons wielded by one side can, of course, eventually be turned on that same side. The left has learned this the hard way over the past year, finally beginning to understand why the values of free speech and free expression had been such fundamental parts of the liberal project for so many decades. In the name of social justice, many leftists attempted to curtail speech they didn’t like and were generally dismissive of any concerns over state and tech censorship. The right wing, temporarily at least, became the ideological faction that championed free speech, and many conservative pundits refashioned themselves as First Amendment warriors. A new heterodox movement was born of conservatives and dissident liberals. The anti-woke backlash was genuine and effectively won the culture war.

 

Now we enter a new phase. Some of the anti-woke are MAGA shills, while others have kept their speech commitments. Most conservatives have proved that whatever interest they took in free speech was faddish at best, deceptive at worst, and opportunistic either way. In today’s GOP, any value held is subservient, always, to the interests of Trump.

 

What this new phase looks like is uncertain, but it will break from the tired woke and anti-woke binary. The woke era, even before Trump’s ascension, was ending, and now it is definitively over. Trump’s attacks on speech will win the moment because he is president, but there’s a longer war the Republicans can easily lose. They’ve proved they don’t actually care about free speech, and they’re violating their professed values so they can back a far-right Israeli regime — one that does not resonate with most Americans. A lot of voters are nominally pro-Israel, but most don’t truly care either way. And they’re looking on as Trump tries to jail and deport students who do little more than write op-eds and lead protests.

 

The avatar for this odious shift is J.D. Vance, once a furious Trump critic and now his vice-president. In a recent X post, Vance argued the Trump administration was merely offering a “necessary corrective” to the “problems” of “racial discrimination” against whites and Asians. (As if Asian voters who care about the prestige of the Ivies asked for the Trump regime to try to wreck them.) He also inveighed, “The voting patterns of university professors are so one-sided that they look like the election results of North Korea.”

 

All of this, Vance said, should be understood as “basic democratic accountability.”

 

But would Vance and his MAGA acolytes approve of a Democratic administration trying to engineer the curriculum of a conservative Catholic college? Or Liberty University’s? Or Brigham Young’s, which is Mormon run? Colleges and universities, even those that are public, do not exist to reflect the whims of a particular elected administration. If they did, they would just be disseminating government propaganda. We are far from a world where MAGA talking points are being drilled into the students at the nation’s elite universities, but we have glimpsed a dark path, one where speech is relentlessly chilled and campus activists are arrested for expressing opinions critical of Israel.

 

Luckily, universities are fighting back. Columbia capitulated to Trump, but Harvard hasn’t. Trump and Vance remain on shaky legal ground, and the universities themselves, with their large endowments and reservoirs of political power, don’t have to readily bend the knee to the administration. The smart ones, at least, won’t. University presidents understand, at minimum, what a public-relations catastrophe Columbia’s leadership brought upon itself. Credibility is not easily recovered. There is little to be gained by collaborating with the Trump administration anyway because Trump himself doesn’t respect weakness. If a college decides not to stand up to him, he will seek to take more and more. He will keep pushing until he has broken the institution.

 

This is why the Harvard battle matters so much. Trump is calculating that Harvard is an unsympathetic foil. Working-class America wouldn’t mind, in theory, watching an elite university suffer under the yoke of a president who did (narrowly) win the popular vote. But what Trump forgets is that this is not something tens of millions of Americans voted for. They hoped Trump could combat inflation and control immigration at the southern border. They hoped Trump’s unconventional foreign-policy views might bring about less bloodshed in the Middle East and Ukraine. Speech crackdowns were decidedly not on their mind. Not surprisingly, Trump doesn’t care. He has signed on to this illiberal right-wing project, one overtly hostile to free expression, and it will be up to the rest of us to ensure its failure.

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