Fearful House Republicans Scramble to Mollify Musk

Fearful House Republicans Scramble to Mollify Musk

 

Republicans in the chamber are bending over backward to appease the world’s richest man, who is furious at them for voting for a bill to deliver President Trump’s domestic policy agenda.

 

Annie KarniTheodore Schleifer

By Annie Karni and Theodore Schleifer

Reporting from Washington

June 4, 2025

Updated 8:31 p.m. ET

https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/04/us/politics/musk-house-republicans-trump.html

 

House Republicans suddenly find themselves scrambling to mollify Elon Musk, who has been venting his rage at them for voting for a Trump-backed domestic policy bill he calls a “disgusting abomination.”

 

After Mr. Musk threatened to “fire all politicians who betrayed the American people,” Republicans from Speaker Mike Johnson on down are trying to manage an unmanageable tech billionaire who has become one of the most powerful figures in Republican politics.

 

Even as Mr. Johnson insisted at a news conference on Wednesday that “policy differences are not personal,” he admitted that Mr. Musk’s hard turn against the bill had come as a surprise given the “happy texts” they had shared 24 hours earlier. Mr. Johnson said he had tried again to talk to Mr. Musk but could not get through.

 

“I called Elon last night, and he didn’t answer, but, uh, hope to talk to him today,” he said.

 

Mr. Musk’s opposition to the bill has put House Republicans, who tend to fall in line behind whatever Mr. Trump demands, in the awkward position of straining to satisfy two authority figures in their lives who are now at odds. They cannot afford to break with either. Their voters want and expect them to support Mr. Trump no matter what.

 

But Mr. Musk’s explosion of anger against the bill — which could hurt his electric-car company Tesla and cause the federal deficit to surge — has raised an unpredictable new threat. Even if he does not spend a dime against Republican lawmakers, Mr. Musk could use his megaphone to target them, as he did on Wednesday when he encouraged his 220 million followers on X to “Call your Senator, Call your Congressman, Bankrupting America is NOT ok! KILL the BILL.”

 

Interviews with more than half a dozen House Republicans revealed a widespread wariness of crossing Mr. Musk. Many of them are quietly appalled at him for being “disrespectful” of the president — they see him as throwing a hissy fit because he did not get his way on his pet projects — but they are unwilling to criticize him publicly for fear of becoming a more pointed target of his ire. There is also an awareness that while Mr. Musk might pick 100 fights between now and the next election, Mr. Trump will remain the overwhelming force guiding their political lives.

 

“I love what Elon’s doing, and I hope he keeps doing it,” Representative Tony Gonzales, a Texas Republican who was backed last year with $800,0000 from Mr. Musk, said in an interview on Wednesday. “I hope he continues to just be himself.”

 

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Mr. Gonzales, who cultivated a relationship with Mr. Musk by bringing him to the southern border in 2023, added: “Everyone should always challenge bureaucracy. Elon’s going to support the people he wants to support. Elon’s a good friend.”

 

Others went so far as to commend Mr. Musk for voicing his anger at them.

 

“We’re the party of free thought,” said Representative Gabe Evans, a first-term Republican from a competitive district in Colorado who benefited from $870,000 in spending from Mr. Musk’s super PAC in the last election. “We’ll get to the point of being able to address some of his concerns about the legislation and what the bill actually does.”

 

Mr. Evans, who won his seat last year by less than a percentage point, even with Mr. Musk’s financial backing, said he was not worried about political punishment. “I have a good rapport with my district,” he said. “I’m always open to having a dialogue, but I’m not too worried about it.”

 

Mostly, House Republicans seemed to hope that the rift between one of their party’s biggest backers and the members he helped put in office would just blow over.

 

“Tensions are high, people lash out, people come back — hopefully it’s a momentary thing,” said Representative David Taylor, Republican of Ohio. “We all have moments like that.”

 

Mr. Musk’s threat to target Republican lawmakers — amplified on Wednesday by his super PAC — raised the possibility that he could fund primary challenges against G.O.P. members of Congress who back the bill.

 

Then again, Mr. Musk’s utterances on political giving are all over the place. In April, he declared that he needed to spend millions on politics to save “the course of Western civilization.” But just a week ago, he said he was done with his campaign-finance escapade, and would spend “a lot less” because he had “done enough.”

 

On Wednesday, Mr. Johnson tried to assuage concerns that Mr. Musk could try to unseat House Republicans who voted for the bill. “He and I talked about the midterm elections, and he said, ‘I’m going to help,’” Mr. Johnson said. “We’ve got to make sure that the Republicans keep the House majority.”

 

Things were warmer between Mr. Musk and House Republicans last year.

 

His super PAC, America PAC, spent about $20 million to help 20 frontline Republican candidates for the chamber, relying on guidance from the Congressional Leadership Fund, the main outside group supporting Republican House candidates. Mr. Musk was hardly the only donor to pour money into those races, but many of them were very close, and his millions may well have made a difference as Republicans barely retained the House.

 

All of the candidates whom Mr. Musk supported voted for the bill, which he now calls “massive, outrageous, pork-filled” — though he has been careful to direct his anger at Republicans in Congress and not Mr. Trump. Only two Republicans, neither of whom were backed by Mr. Musk last year, voted against the legislation and resisted Mr. Johnson and Mr. Trump.

 

Mr. Musk’s super PAC spent over $2 million to help re-elect Representative Mike Lawler, a Republican from New York. On his way to the House floor on Wednesday, Mr. Lawler brushed past a reporter and declined to take questions.

 

Mr. Musk has not singled out any specific House Republicans who voted for the bill. His super PAC declined to comment on Wednesday on its plans for the midterm elections.

 

Senate Republicans are now considering the bill, and Mr. Musk may hope they adjust it to his liking. But if they don’t, he will be in for more disappointment: He spent more than $12 million on groups that were dedicated to helping elect Republicans to the Senate, including winners of close races, like David McCormick in Pennsylvania.

 

For all of their bravado, vulnerable Republicans have been left in a more precarious position by Mr. Musk’s denunciation of a bill they voted for.

 

Whether or not Mr. Musk targets them directly, they could be more open to attacks from Democrats who want to capitalize on the rift between Mr. Musk and the candidates he once backed. For instance, Democrats have recently resurfaced an interview that Mr. Lawler sat for last year in which he said he was “the biggest recipient of America PAC support in this election outside of Donald Trump.”

 

Many Republicans have wasted political capital defending Mr. Musk despite his record-high unpopularity, referring to him as one of the world’s most successful businessmen and innovators and bragging about his support for them.

 

On Wednesday, most House Republicans just wanted to downplay Mr. Musk’s criticism of the bill and his threat against the lawmakers who voted for it.

 

“He’s not wrong,” said Representative Andy Ogles, a hard-right Republican from Tennessee, to whom Mr. Musk donated the maximum allowable amount after he supported impeaching federal judges who were impeding actions taken by Mr. Trump. “The bill is big but not yet beautiful. Hopefully, the Senate will make steeper cuts and truly make it beautiful.”

 

“This is one step in an entire plan,” said Representative Beth Van Duyne, Republican of Texas, defending the bill. “You can’t look at this one bill in a vacuum. I think he is looking at the best interest of the future of America, and I credit him for that.”

 

Mr. Musk, of course, has a track record of issuing threats without following through.

 

Catie Edmondson contributed reporting.

 

Annie Karni is a congressional correspondent for The Times. She writes features and profiles, with a recent focus on House Republican leadership.

 

Theodore Schleifer is a Times reporter covering billionaires and their impact on the world.