Trump
Officials Fire Jan. 6 Prosecutors and Plan Possible F.B.I. Purge
The
prosecutor firings and a move to scrutinize thousands of F.B.I. agents were a
powerful indication that the president has few qualms deploying federal law
enforcement to punish perceived enemies.
Adam Goldman Devlin Barrett Glenn Thrush
By Adam
GoldmanDevlin Barrett and Glenn Thrush
Published
Jan. 31, 2025
Updated Feb.
1, 2025, 12:14 a.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/31/us/politics/trump-fbi-agents.html
The Trump
administration plans to scrutinize thousands of F.B.I. agents involved in Jan.
6 investigations, setting the stage for a possible purge that goes far beyond
the bureau’s leaders to target rank-and-file agents, according to internal
documents and people familiar with the matter.
The proposal
came on a day that more than a dozen prosecutors at the U.S. attorney’s office
in Washington who had worked on cases involving the Jan. 6 riot were told that
they were being terminated.
The moves
were a powerful indication that Mr. Trump has few qualms deploying the colossal
might of federal law enforcement to punish perceived political enemies, even as
his cabinet nominees offered sober assurances they would abide by the rule of
law. Forcing out both agents and prosecutors who worked on Jan. 6 cases would
amount to a wide-scale assault on the Justice Department.
On Friday,
interim leaders at the department instructed the F.B.I. to notify more than a
half-dozen high-ranking career officials that they faced termination, according
to a copy of an internal memo obtained by The New York Times.
The acting
deputy attorney general, Emil Bove, also told the acting leadership of the
F.B.I. to compile a list of all agents and F.B.I. staff “assigned at any time
to investigations and/or prosecutions” relating to the events at the Capitol on
Jan. 6, 2021 — the day a mob of Trump supporters stormed through the halls of
Congress.
In issuing
his directive, Mr. Bove, who has overseen an opening volley of threats, firings
and forced transfers since the inauguration, cited Mr. Trump’s executive order
vowing to end “the weaponization of the federal government.”
Under
President Joseph R. Biden Jr., the government waged a “systematic campaign
against its perceived political opponents,” including by deploying law
enforcement to pursue its rivals, he said.
The memo
also demands the names of agents who worked on a case against Hamas leadership,
though it is not clear why it was added to the list of agents under scrutiny.
Prosecutors and agents had disagreed about the merits of the case.
The office
of the deputy attorney general “will commence a review process to determine
whether any additional personnel actions are necessary” against those F.B.I.
agents, analysts and staff, according to the memo, which was addressed to Brian
Driscoll, the acting F.B.I. director.
In an email
to F.B.I. employees Friday night, Mr. Driscoll noted that he was among the
agents who would be on such a list. The F.B.I. has been told to submit the list
of names by Tuesday.
“We
understand that this request encompasses thousands of employees across the
country who have supported these investigative efforts,” Mr. Driscoll wrote,
who added that he and his deputy “are going to follow the law, follow F.B.I.
policy and do what’s in the best interest of the work force and the American
people — always.”
Later, the
F.B.I.’s counterterrorism division sent an email to field offices around the
country with instructions about filling a database with bureau personnel who
worked on the cases — a number likely to be about 6,000.
People
familiar with the internal discussions said that some Trump administration
officials are moving to force scores, or possibly hundreds, of agents out of
the F.B.I. in the coming days and weeks. Officials have discussed notifying a
large number of agents that they face possible termination, demotion or
transfer.
At the U.S.
attorney’s office in Washington, more than a dozen prosecutors who had worked
on Jan. 6-related cases were told that they were being terminated, according to
people familiar with the notices.
Those
informed of their dismissals had been hired as the office struggled to manage
what became the largest prosecution in the department’s history.
In another
memo, Mr. Bove said the prosecutors in question had been short-term hires that
were improperly made permanent staff during the Biden administration. “I will
not tolerate subversive personnel actions,” he wrote.
Mr. Bove
offered no evidence those targeted had done anything improper, illegal or
unethical. Instead, he cited a legal technicality and questioned whether those
targeted would allow the U.S. attorney’s office to “faithfully implement the
agenda that the American people elected President Trump to execute.”
The moves
come just one day after Kash Patel, Mr. Trump’s pick to lead the F.B.I.,
testified before Congress that the bureau would not be targeted for political
reasons.
“All F.B.I.
employees will be protected against political retribution,” Mr. Patel said
during his confirmation hearing on Thursday.
Around the
time that Mr. Patel appeared before the committee, a handful of senior F.B.I.
employees were informed that they needed to resign in a matter of days or be
fired, part of a broader effort by the Trump administration to shake up the
agency’s upper ranks.
The moves
are highly unusual in part because they are happening before a director has
been confirmed to take charge of the bureau. The timing of these moves — made
while the nominations of Mr. Patel and Pam Bondi for attorney general are still
pending — could lessen the blowback for them — or it could jeopardize their
support among Republican senators.
A department
spokesman, and Mr. Patel’s representative, did not immediately respond to
requests for comment. F.B.I. officials declined to comment. The people familiar
with the planning spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal
discussions.
In a
statement, the F.B.I. Agents Association said that if true, “these outrageous
actions by acting officials are fundamentally at odds with the law enforcement
objectives outlined by President Trump.”
“Dismissing
potentially hundreds of agents would severely weaken the bureau’s ability to
protect the country from national security and criminal threats,” the statement
continued.
If the
administration follows through, it would be a singular moment in the F.B.I.’s
history, and fly in the face of decades worth of civil service laws that are
meant to protect the integrity and professionalism of the government work
force.
Mr. Patel,
speaking under oath, also promised to follow established bureau procedures in
seeking terminations or transfers, including referring accusations of improper
conduct by prosecutors to the Justice Department’s inspector general before
taking action.
F.B.I.
officials were already bracing for swift changes, but the forced retirements
and the dismissal of senior agents in the field and at headquarters this week
has led to immense unease. Agents are worried that they will be fired for
investigations that angered Mr. Trump — especially those who worked on squads
at the Washington field office on the criminal inquiry into Mr. Trump’s
handling of classified documents as well as the inquiry into a fake electors’
scheme.
Two of the
senior agents who ran field offices in Miami and Las Vegas and were forced out
had been criticized by former agents with ties to Mr. Patel’s foundation, a
nonprofit that Mr. Patel has said gives aid to a range of recipients, including
the families of those charged in the Jan. 6 riot.
Some F.B.I.
personnel expressed frustration that the bureau’s leadership provided little
guidance as rumors circulated widely about firings and about colleagues being
escorted out of field offices. Mr. Driscoll’s email Friday night ended some of
that confusion, though it confirmed some of their deepest fears.
Jason
Manning, a former federal prosecutor who worked on Jan. 6 cases, warned of the
consequences.
“It will
mean firing agents who investigate child sex crimes, violent crimes,
immigration crimes, Chinese espionage and lots of other criminal activity that
President Trump claims to care about,” he said. “Our country is significantly
weaker and more dangerous because of this.”
The disarray
in the bureau was also evident on its website, which notably omitted the name
of the acting director, Mr. Driscoll. Inside the bureau, one person said that
the atmosphere was sullen and that employees were startled by what was
unfolding as top F.B.I. officials scrambled to complete the required retirement
paperwork, with the agents turning in their badges.
Mr. Driscoll
and Robert C. Kissane, his acting deputy, said goodbye to their colleagues.
In an
interview, Democratic lawmakers denounced the moves.
“They are
hollowing out our professional law enforcement community,” said Senator Richard
Blumenthal of Connecticut, a Democrat who questioned Mr. Patel at the
confirmation hearing. “It is the absolute height of arrogance to be doing
exactly what their F.B.I. nominee promised not to do.”
Retribution
has been swift at the Justice Department as about a dozen prosecutors who
worked on the two criminal investigations into Mr. Trump for the special
counsel Jack Smith were fired.
Mr. Trump
once called the Jan. 6 riot a “heinous attack,” but in one of his first
official acts, he granted sweeping clemency to all of the nearly 1,600 people
charged in the assault. He issued pardons to most of the defendants and
commuted the sentences of 14 members of the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers
militia, most of whom were convicted of seditious conspiracy.
During Mr.
Patel’s testimony on Thursday, Senator John Kennedy, Republican of Louisiana,
told Mr. Patel that lawmakers would hold him accountable if he tried to exact
revenge at the F.B.I., saying two wrongs did not make a right.
“And there
have been and may still be some bad people there, and you’ve got to find out
who the bad people are and get rid of them, in accordance with due process and
the rule of law,” Mr. Kennedy said. “And then you’ve got to lift up the good
people. Don’t go over there and burn that place down. Go over there and make it
better.”
The F.B.I.
has been in turmoil since Christopher A. Wray, the former director, stepped
down before Mr. Trump took office. After Mr. Wray’s deputy abruptly resigned
and shortly after Mr. Trump took office, the administration identified the
wrong agent as acting director.
Instead of
correcting the error, officials kept it in the hope that a new director would
be quickly confirmed, The Wall Street Journal earlier reported.
Mr. Kissane,
who had been the top counterterrorism agent in New York, had been widely
believed to be in line to be acting director, several current and former agents
said, with Mr. Driscoll, a decorated agent in the F.B.I.’s New York field
office as the No. 2. But when the White House unveiled its website after Mr.
Trump was inaugurated, Mr. Driscoll was named in the top job.
Alan Feuer
and Eileen Sullivan contributed reporting.
Adam Goldman
writes about the F.B.I. and national security. He has been a journalist for
more than two decades. More about Adam Goldman
Glenn Thrush
covers the Department of Justice and has also written about gun violence, civil
rights and conditions in the country’s jails and prisons. More about Glenn
Thrush


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