After Biden’s Push for Truce, Netanyahu Calls
Israel’s War Plans Unchanged
The timing of the remarks seemed to rebuff the
president’s hopes for a speedy end to the war. But some analysts said the prime
minister was aiming at domestic supporters, not the White House.
Aaron
Boxerman
By Aaron
Boxerman
June 1,
2024
https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/01/world/middleeast/netanyahu-biden-israel-gaza-cease-fire.html
A day after
President Biden called on Israel and Hamas to reach a truce, declaring that it
was “time for this war to end,” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Saturday
reiterated that Israel would not agree to a permanent cease-fire in Gaza as
long as Hamas still retains governing and military power.
In his
statement, Mr. Netanyahu did not explicitly endorse or reject a proposed
cease-fire plan that Mr. Biden had laid out in an unusually detailed address on
Friday. Two Israeli officials confirmed that Mr. Biden’s proposal matched an
Israeli cease-fire proposal that had been greenlit by Israel’s war cabinet. The
officials spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss sensitive negotiations.
But the
timing of Mr. Netanyahu’s remarks, coming first thing the next morning, seemed
to put the brakes on Mr. Biden’s hopes for a speedy resolution to the war,
which has claimed the lives of more than 36,000 Palestinians, according to the
Gaza Health Ministry.
“Israel’s
conditions for ending the war have not changed: the destruction of Hamas’s
military and governing capabilities, the freeing of all hostages and ensuring
that Gaza no longer poses a threat to Israel,” Mr. Netanyahu’s office said in
the statement released on Saturday morning.
Biden
administration officials and some Israeli analysts said they believed that
Israel still supported the proposal Mr. Biden described on Friday, and that Mr.
Netanyahu’s statement on Saturday was more tailored to his domestic audience
and meant to manage his far-right cabinet members, rather than to push back
against the White House. Mr. Biden is eager for the war to end, with the
American presidential election just five months away.
But Mr.
Netanyahu’s domestic political worries could prove paramount. On Saturday
night, two of Mr. Netanyahu’s far-right coalition partners — Bezalel Smotrich
and Itamar Ben-Gvir — threatened to quit his government should he move forward
with the proposal. Mr. Ben-Gvir labeled the terms of the agreement a “total
defeat” and a “victory for terrorism.” If both of their parties left his
coalition, it could mark the end of Mr. Netanyahu’s government.
Hamas
immediately welcomed Mr. Biden’s speech on Friday and said that it was willing
to deal “positively and constructively” with any deal that met its list of
demands, including a complete Israeli withdrawal, a permanent cease-fire, the
reconstruction of Gaza, the return of displaced Palestinians to their homes and
a “serious prisoner exchange.”
As outlined
by Mr. Biden the plan did not specify who would rule the Gaza Strip after the
war. Unless other arrangements are reached, that could leave Hamas in de facto
charge of the territory, which the Palestinian armed group would likely
consider a major strategic victory after nearly eight months of an Israeli
military offensive.
Ever since
the armed group’s devastating Oct. 7 attack, which Israeli authorities have
said left 1,200 dead in Israel and 250 others taken hostage, Israeli leaders
have vowed to topple Hamas’s rule in Gaza. They have also said they will
maintain “security control” in Gaza after the war, making a full withdrawal
more difficult.
Mr.
Netanyahu has repeatedly promised the Israeli public “absolute victory"
over Hamas, arguing in April that such an outcome lay just “a step away.” Hamas
militants, nonetheless, have fought a dogged guerrilla war against Israeli
troops in Gaza, and top leaders of Hamas there have frustrated Israeli efforts
to capture or assassinate them.
Analysts in
Israel described Mr. Biden’s address as intending to bypass Mr. Netanyahu, to
make a direct appeal to the Israeli public, which broadly supports the war
effort, according to surveys. Although Israeli officials have put forward
proposals that included commitments to a sustained cease-fire, Mr. Netanyahu
faces a host of competing pressures at home that could lead his government to
turn, they said.
“Biden is
challenging Israel, saying: ‘I am expecting you to allow this arrangement to go
forward. Do not sabotage it. Do not drag the rug out from underneath it for
political reasons,” said Uzi Arad, a former Israeli national security adviser
under Mr. Netanyahu. “Put your money where your mouth is.”
The
families of hostages held in Gaza have rallied public support for their call
for a cease-fire deal, amid rising fears over their loved ones’ fates, with
large crowds attending demonstrations in Tel Aviv. About 125 of the roughly 250
hostages remain in Gaza, with over 30 of them presumed dead, the Israeli
authorities have said.
Gil
Dickmann, whose cousin Carmel Gat was abducted from Kibbutz Be’eri during the
Hamas-led massacre there on Oct. 7, conceded that the deal would be difficult
to swallow for parts of the Israeli public. But he said reaching an agreement
to free the remaining hostages was critical.
“If this
deal doesn’t go through, because of either Hamas or Israel, we are heading
toward a forever war, where we sink deeper and deeper into the mud, dragging
down Israelis, Palestinians and certainly the hostages,” Mr. Dickmann said. “It
could be now or never.”
Were Mr.
Netanyahu to agree to the deal, however, he could struggle to maintain his
governing coalition. Some of his far-right coalition partners have suggested
they might leave his government should there be what they see as a premature
end to the war. And if Israel agreed to a truce that allowed Hamas to retain
power, even moderate Israelis would likely wonder what the offensive in Gaza
had really accomplished.
Mr.
Netanyahu’s emergency unity government is already under threat: Benny Gantz, a
rival who united with Mr. Netanyahu as a wartime measure, has threatened to
leave unless the premier articulates a plan for postwar Gaza and to bring home
hostages by June 8. Mr. Netanyahu has yet to announce any intention to meet Mr.
Gantz’s demands.
On
Thursday, Mr. Dickmann said he had met with Israel’s national security adviser,
Tzachi Hanegbi, along with several other hostage family members. Mr. Hanegbi
told the group that the Israeli government was not in a place to agree to a
hostage release deal that included ending the war, Mr. Dickmann said. Mr.
Hanegbi also said earlier this week that he expected the fighting to last for
another several months.
Yair Lapid,
the leader of Israel’s parliamentary opposition, urged Mr. Netanyahu to take
the deal as outlined by President Biden. He repeated that his party would give
Mr. Netanyahu a “safety net,” preventing a vote of no-confidence to topple the
government should hard-liners like Itamar Ben Gvir, the national security
minister, resign in protest over a cease-fire deal.
Analysts
said that Mr. Netanyahu has tried to avoid that scenario, as it would make him
dependent on some of his harshest critics.
Israel and
Hamas first observed a weeklong truce in late November during which 105
hostages and 240 Palestinian prisoners were released. Since then, both sides
have carved out seemingly intractable positions: Hamas conditioned any further
hostage releases on Israel ending the war, while Israel vowed there would be no
truce until it destroyed Hamas and brought home its hostages.
The
proposed cease-fire plan, as laid out by Mr. Biden, would begin with a six-week
halt in hostilities, during which Hamas would release women, the elderly and
wounded hostages held in Gaza since the Hamas-led Oct. 7 attack on Israel that
started the war. Israel would withdraw from major population centers in Gaza,
release at least hundreds of Palestinian prisoners and facilitate the daily
entry of at least 600 humanitarian aid trucks.
During the
first phase, hundreds of thousands of displaced Palestinian civilians would
return to their homes in northern Gaza for the first time in months. Israeli
officials have said their forces would gradually withdraw so as to enable them
to return largely unfettered, in the event that hostilities resumed. They
viewed the offer as a concession to Hamas, who they argued could use the
opening to rebuild its government in northern Gaza.
During the
second phase, Israel and Hamas would effectively declare that the war had
ended, Mr. Biden said. Hamas would release the remaining living hostages,
including male Israeli soldiers, in exchange for more Palestinian prisoners,
while Israeli forces would withdraw from Gaza. The third phase would then
provide for the reconstruction of Gaza and Hamas would return of the bodies of
the remaining dead hostages.
Gershon
Baskin, an Israeli activist who helped negotiate the 2011 release of Gilad
Shalit, an Israeli soldier held for years by Hamas, said the deal Mr. Biden
outlined underscored the necessity of a plan to defeat Hamas politically by
building an alternative Palestinian government.
“The bottom
line, in the absence of any coherent ‘day-after’ plan that replaces Hamas in
Gaza, is that accepting the plan means giving into Hamas’s demands,” said Mr.
Baskin, who nonetheless supports the deal.
Mr. Biden
allowed that there were still “a number of details to negotiate” in order to
advance to the second phase of the deal — the announcement of a lasting
cease-fire. He said Israel and Hamas would negotiate throughout the first phase
in an attempt to reach acceptable terms for the continued cessation of
hostilities.
Zolan
Kanno-Youngs contributed reporting from Rehoboth Beach, Del.
Aaron
Boxerman is a Times reporting fellow with a focus on international news. More about Aaron Boxerman
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