Dublin’s Riot Was Not a Surprise to Those Who
Watch the Far Right
The disorder in Ireland’s capital on Nov. 23 may have
appeared to come from nowhere. But experts say it reflected long-running social
problems and an emboldened anti-immigrant movement.
Megan
Specia
By Megan
Specia
Reporting
from Dublin
Dec. 7,
2023, 12:02 a.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2023/12/07/world/europe/dublin-riot-far-right.html
On a
bright, cold afternoon on O’Connell Street in central Dublin, Memet Uludag, a
businessman and activist, was rolling up an antiracism banner.
It had been
four days since the worst riot Ireland had seen in decades, and Mr. Uludag and
hundreds of others had gathered to denounce the anti-immigrant sentiment that
had fueled the violence.
“I am out
here to say that whatever problems people experience in this country, and there
are plenty — housing, health care — it’s nothing to do with people of color,
migrant workers, or indeed refugees or asylum seekers,” said Mr. Uludag, 51,
who is originally from Turkey and has lived in Ireland for years.
As he
spoke, another Dubliner, Joe McGoldrick, stopped in the street to disagree.
Every house
given to an asylum seeker was one “taken away” from an Irish person, argued Mr.
McGoldrick, 60. “I didn’t agree with the rioting, of course, but this has been
building up — and it will start again, too,” he warned.
The
exchange highlighted a growing fault line in Irish society over immigration
that experts say has been weaponized by the far right to drive discontent, and
that spilled into the light last month when disorder and looting gripped the
capital.
Ireland is
only beginning to reckon with how extremist politics gained a toe hold here,
erupting into violence that shattered images of the country’s welcoming spirit
and spotlighted underlying grievances that experts say have been building for
some time.
“This was
not a surprise,” said Niamh McDonald, a coordinator for the Hope and Courage
Collective, a group focused on countering far-right extremism. “The depth of
the rioting and the violence and destruction, yes — but it’s no surprise that
it happened.”
The Nov. 23
riot followed a stabbing attack outside a school that left three young children
and two adults injured. Xenophobic rumors immediately swirled online about the
nationality of the suspect, who was taken into custody after being tackled by
bystanders.
Later that
afternoon, a mob gathered at the scene and broke the police cordon. About 500
people took part in the ensuing disorder. Shops were looted, buses burned, and
police attacked.
While the
violence flared up within hours, it reflected long-running social pressures,
Ms. McDonald said. Ireland’s economy boomed in the late 1990s and early 2000s,
but the 2008 financial crash hit the country hard. The austerity that followed
included steep cuts to social support.
“That
devastated so many ordinary, working communities and beyond,” Ms. McDonald
said. “It devastated youth work, it devastated community work, that kind of
on-the-ground work in communities that supports people.”
In recent
years, tech giants have flocked to the Irish capital thanks to attractive tax
breaks, but the economic growth they brought has had uneven benefits. A housing
crisis, felt acutely in Dublin where surging demand has overwhelmed limited
rental stock, has driven discontent.
At the same
time, immigration has risen sharply, according to a recent analysis by the
Economic and Social Research Institute, an independent Irish research
institute.
In the year
ending in April 2023, net migration to Ireland — a country of 5.2 million
people — was 77,600, second only to a record of 104,800 in 2007.
Asylum
seekers make up a relatively small portion of that overall number, with fewer
than 14,000 people applying for asylum in 2022, but they have often been the
focus of far-right vitriol.
In 2018,
groups of people set fire to hotels planning to host asylum seekers. Xenophobic
demonstrations have been staged in small towns and villages, and a makeshift
camp for refugees was set alight in Dublin this year.
Anti-immigrant
conversations have proliferated online and in the right-wing press, including
the website Gript, which is described by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue
as “a prominent entity within the Irish mis- and disinformation ecosystem.”
Ireland was
long viewed as a country without a significant far right, said Shane O’Curry,
director of the Irish Network Against Racism, which monitors hate crimes and
racism in the country.
That was
partly because of its history of colonization, a large diaspora, and the fact
that popular nationalism here has been more often associated with left-wing
politics.
But
extremism has proliferated in recent years on social media, as it has in the
United States and much of Europe. Experts such as Mr. O’Curry say that
far-right activists, emboldened by Donald J. Trump’s presidency and the openly
anti-immigrant campaigning around Brexit, have popularized language portraying
migrants as a threat in Ireland.
As word of
the knife attack on Nov. 23 spread online, there were calls for a rally on
social media platforms like Twitter and YouTube using hashtags like
#IrelandIsFull, #EnoughIsEnough and #IrelandFirst, and on messaging apps like
Telegram.
“We knew
something horrible was coming,” Mr. O’Curry said. He likened ardent far-right
supporters to generals, while “the foot soldier is the disenfranchised youth.”
“I think
that it’s important to distinguish between very marginalized people who were
venting about the frustrations in their lives,” he said, “and the far-right
generals.”
“Ireland
has long enjoyed a reputation — undeserved — that we don’t have a significant
far right,” said Shane O’Curry, the director of the Irish Network Against
Racism.Credit...Paulo Nunes dos Santos for The New York Times
The far
right is still a fringe movement in Ireland and has no real political
representation in the way it does in some European countries. Some of those who
took part in the riots and looting were less adherents to a political movement
than petty criminals capitalizing on the chaos, officials said.
But many
politicians and civil society groups criticized the conditions that led to the
moment.
Members of
several trade unions participating in a solidarity against racism protest on
O’Connell Street in Dublin last month, days after protests and riots believed
to have been orchestrated by a far-right group.Credit...Paulo Nunes dos Santos
for The New York Times
Mary Lou
McDonald, leader of the main opposition party, Sinn Féin, and one of the
lawmakers representing the area where the riot began, said it was a tipping
point for Dublin.
“The
pressure will be on the government for accountability,” she said, speaking to
The New York Times on the sidelines of the antiracism rally, “but also for a
total step change in terms of resourcing for policing and resourcing for
communities.”
Gary
Gannon, another lawmaker representing the central Dublin constituency, agreed
that the government needed to step up policing, but also argued it must strive
to understand the social issues that had allowed toxic narratives to thrive.
“This was
inevitable and an awful reflection of the environment that we’re in,” he said.
“I’m terrified about what comes next. This is going to fester.”
Back on
O’Connell Street, Mr. McGoldrick and Mr. Uludag argued back and forth.
Mr. Uludag
shook his head, listening with a look of resignation on his face, occasionally
trying to reason with Mr. McGoldrick.
Neither
could persuade the other. So they went their separate ways, returning to their
lives as the city returned to its ordinary bustle, the broken glass swept away,
the shop windows nearby boarded up, the torched police vehicles and tram cars
nowhere to be seen.
Megan
Specia reports on Britain, Ireland and the Ukraine war for The Times. She
is based in London. More about Megan Specia
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