American Kompromat review: Trump, Russia, Epstein
… and a lot we just don't know
A new book on the old president is titillating but
scattershot, a compendium of wild stories and salacious accusations
Charles
Kaiser
Sun 7 Feb
2021 07.00 GMT
Craig
Unger’s new book has already made headlines, in this newspaper and elsewhere,
because of a charge from an ex-KGB colonel, Yuri Shvets, that Donald Trump has
been a KGB asset for 40 years.
But as
Unger himself points out, former CIA director Michael Morell has called Trump
an “unwitting agent” of the Russians; former national security director James
Clapper has described him “in effect … an intelligence asset”; and former CIA
director John Brennan has said Trump is “wholly in the pocket of Putin”. So
Shvets’ accusation isn’t really very surprising.
Many other
Trump-Russia books have dated Trump’s initial contact with the Russians to a
visit to Trump Tower by then Soviet ambassador to the United Nations Yuri
Dubinin, in 1986. Unger – through Shvets – reports that the association
actually began six years earlier when Trump purchased 200 television sets from
Semyon Kislin, a Soviet émigré who co-owned Joy-Lud electronics on Fifth
Avenue. According to Shvets, Kislin was actually a spotter agent for the KGB.
Kislin denies any connection.
In any
case, the meaning of this transaction – like scores of anecdotes recorded in
these pages – is never fully explained. The subtitle of Unger’s book is How the
KGB Cultivated Donald Trump, and Related Tales of Sex, Greed, Power and
Treachery – a rubric that enables the author to throw in almost every bit of
unconfirmed gossip ever published about everyone from convicted sex trafficker
Jeffrey Epstein to former British press magnate Robert Maxwell. And Maxwell’s
daughter, Ghislaine, who was – or wasn’t, depending on which page of this book
you’re on – Epstein’s girlfriend as well as allegedly his collaborator in
recruiting underage girls to sate Epstein’s seemingly unquenchable sexual
appetite.
As well as
being a publisher, according to Unger, Maxwell was extremely close to the
Israeli secret service, Mossad, and the KGB. And perhaps Mossad was actually
responsible for killing Maxwell, whose drowning off his yacht was officially
ruled an accident.
Unger’s
sourcing for this is typical of the book. He writes: “According to the Sunday
Age, in Melbourne, Australia, on 2 November 1991 … an unnamed source close to
the Israeli cabinet told Hersh that Maxwell would soon be eliminated. The
author did not know how seriously to take the threat. Three days later, Robert
Maxwell went missing …”
Hersh is
Seymour Hersh, probably the most famous investigative journalist of his
generation, but in the copious source notes of Unger’s book there is no
indication Unger ever contacted Hersh to confirm this Australian bulletin.
Since Hersh is in the phone book, and he actually answers his own phone, I
found it quite easy to reach him.
Did he
remember being contacted “by a source close to the Israeli cabinet” who told
him Maxwell was about to be knocked off?
“I have
absolutely no memory of getting such a tip,” Hersh told me. “And I must note
that most people, so I gather, who want to kill prominent others do not usually
discuss such in advance.”
And so it
goes throughout Unger’s book: dozens and dozens of wild stories and salacious
accusations, almost all “too good to check”, in the parlance of old-time
journalists.
This is
particularly true of the lengthy section about Epstein, who is here because he
had the largest collection of kompromat of anyone in history. Or did he?
Unger
writes that it was “widely known” that Epstein “was making tapes of grave
sexual crimes”. But Unger has never seen any of the tapes, or found any
reliable witness who says that he has.: “The people who knew weren’t talking,”
Unger writes. “There was speculation that it was used to facilitate deals with
Wall Street power brokers and to cement the loyalty of various actors in the
drama, be they high-powered lawyers, heads of state, royalty, billionaires,
media moguls, or operatives in any intelligence service.”
On page
186, we are treated to a barrage of bold-faced names from Epstein’s notorious
black book – everyone from Deepak Chopra, Mick Jagger and Michael Jackson to
Bill Clinton, Queen Elizabeth and Saudi prince Bandar bin Sultan al-Saud. And
that sounds very exciting – until you get to page 195, when Unger admits that
“being on Epstein’s contact list meant nothing in and of itself. It’s far more
indicative of the power brokers he and Ghislaine were cultivating than whether
they actually had knowledge of or participated in Epstein’s nefarious
activities.”
Unger is
much more interesting in a long section about Opus Dei, the secret Catholic
society with origins in fascist Spain which the lawyer and Columbia lecturer
Scott Horton describes as “the most effective secret society in American
history, especially when it comes to changing the nature of the judiciary and
filling vacancies with people who are their picks”.
There is
also the remarkable story of FBI agent Robert Hanssen, the most successful
Soviet double agent of modern times, who belonged to Opus Dei and whose
brother-in-law, John Paul Wauck, got a job writing speeches for then acting
attorney general William Barr in 1991. At that moment, Unger writes, Barr was
overseeing “the greatest mole hunt in FBI history, yet presumably [was] unaware
that the mastermind spy they were hunting was his own speech writer’s
brother-in-law, and that all three of them were closely tied to Opus Dei”.
Details
like that keep you turning the pages. But Unger’s willingness to include almost
anything to titillate makes this book wildly uneven, and ultimately
unsatisfactory.


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