Firm with links to Gove and Cummings given
Covid-19 contract without open tender
Research company owned by associates of senior Tory
and PM’s adviser gets £840,000 job
David Conn
and Peter Geoghegan
Fri 10 Jul
2020 11.15 BSTLast modified on Fri 10 Jul 2020 17.50 BST
The Cabinet
Office has awarded an £840,000 contract to research public opinion about
government policies to a company owned by two long-term associates of Michael
Gove and Dominic Cummings, without putting the work out for tender.
Public
First, a small policy and research company in London, is run by James Frayne,
whose work alongside Cummings – the prime minister’s senior adviser – dates
back to a Eurosceptic campaign 20 years ago, and Rachel Wolf, a former adviser
to Gove who co-wrote the Conservative party’s 2019 election manifesto.
The
government justified the absence of a competitive tendering process, which
would have enabled other companies to bid, under emergency regulations that
allow services to be urgently commissioned in response to the Covid-19 crisis.
However,
the Cabinet Office’s public record states that portions of the work, which
involved focus group research, related to Brexit rather than Covid-19, a joint
investigation by the Guardian and openDemocracy has established.
A Cabinet
Office spokesman said this was because of bookkeeping methods, and insisted
that, contrary to government records, all the focus group research done by
Public First was related to the pandemic.
The Cabinet
Office, where Gove is the minister responsible, initially commissioned Public
First to carry out focus groups from 3 March, although no contract was put in
place until 5 June.
Government
work is legally required to be put out for competitive tender to ensure the
best qualified company is appointed, unless there are exceptional
circumstances, such as an unforeseen emergency.
When a
contract was finally produced on 5 June, it was made retrospective to cover the
work done since 3 March. The Cabinet Office paid Public First £253,000 for the
two projects listed as being Brexit-related and two more pieces of work done
before the contract was put in place.
Public
First was required to conduct focus groups “covering the general public and key
sub-groups”, according to a Cabinet Office letter.
The firm
was required to provide the government with “topline reporting” of their
findings on the same day, with fuller findings reported the following day. The deal
also included “on-site resource to support No 10 communications” in the form of
a Public First partner, Gabriel Milland, being seconded to Downing Street until
26 June.
Milland was
the head of communications at the Department for Education when Gove was the
minister and Cummings was his political adviser.
The Cabinet
Office said in the letter that it had commissioned the work from Public First
for a total of £840,000 without any tender “due to unforeseeable consequences
of the current Covid-19 pandemic”.
According
to further details published by the government under its transparency
requirements, Public First was paid £58,000 on 18 March for its first focus
group work, classed by the Cabinet Office as being for “Gov Comms EU Exit
Prog”, then a further £75,000 on 20 March for work classed as “Insight and
Evaluation”.
On 2 April,
10 days into lockdown and with increasing numbers of people dying from
Covid-19, the Cabinet Office paid Public First £42,000 for work listed again as
“EU Exit Comms”. The first payment for work listed as being coronavirus-related
was on 27 May: £78,187.07. A total of £253,187.07 was paid to Public First
before the contract was entered into on 5 June.
The Cabinet
Office spokesman told the Guardian that all the focus group work was related to
the government’s Covid-19 messaging, and that the references to Brexit in the
government’s official disclosures were misleading.
He said the
Cabinet Office accounts department did not immediately open a “cost code”
classification for expenditure relating to the crisis, so the payments were
initially allocated to an existing cost code, which included communications
about Brexit.
The
political partnerships of Frayne and Cummings date back to at least 2000, when
they worked together on Business for Sterling, the campaign against Britain
joining the euro. In 2003, they co-founded a rightwing thinktank, the New
Frontiers Foundation, and the following year set up the campaign to fight the
proposed formation of a regional assembly in north-east England.
Cummings
has described that successful campaign, which was based on portraying
politicians as a drain on ordinary people, as “a training exercise for an EU
referendum”.
Gove became
the education secretary after the 2010 election, with Cummings as his chief
political adviser, and Frayne was appointed as the department’s director of
communications the following year.
In 2010,
Wolf, a former special adviser to Gove, was running the New Schools Network to
promote free schools, which was awarded a £500,000 contract by the department
that year without a tender. It was justified on the basis that it was the only
organisation able to provide expert support quickly enough.
The Cabinet
Office contract with Public First is being challenged by the Good Law Project,
which wrote to Gove on Thursday arguing that the absence of a tendering process
was unlawful and not justified by the Covid-19 emergency provisions.
In a letter
telling Gove that they plan to seek a judicial review of the contract award,
the project’s lawyers, Rook Irwin Sweeney, argue there is “apparent bias” in
the contract going to Public First, due to their “close personal and professional
connections” with Gove and Cummings.
Asked if
Public First’s links to Gove and Cummings were a factor in the firm being
awarded the contract, the Cabinet Office spokesman replied: “This is nonsense.
Public First were contracted to undertake this work because of their wealth of
experience in the area.
“Public
First was awarded a contract to carry out daily focus groups across the country
in response to the Covid-19 crisis,” the spokesman said. “They carried out this
work to make sure the vitally important public health messages the government
was issuing were the right ones. This work will continue to inform future
Covid-19 campaign activity.”
Rachel
Reeves, the shadow Cabinet Office minister, said: “It beggars belief that the
government’s desperate defence of handing a contract for daily focus groups on
Covid-19 to longstanding friends of ministers is coincidence, and to blame
clerical incompetence for the reference to the work on Brexit. They should come
clean about the purpose of this project, why this company was chosen without it
going to tender and publish the research findings and recommendations for
people to see for themselves.”
Public
First declined to comment.

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