Opinion
Trump’s Racist, Statist Suburban Dream
Racial inequality wasn’t an accident. It was an ugly
political choice.
By Paul
Krugman
Opinion
Columnist
Aug. 13,
2020
Conservatives
do love their phony wars. Remember the war on Christmas? Remember the “war on
coal”? (Donald Trump promised to end that war, but in the third year of his
presidency coal production fell to its lowest level since 1978, and the
Department of Energy expects it to keep falling.)
Now, as the
Trump campaign desperately searches for political avenues of attack, we’re
hearing a lot about the “war on the suburbs.”
It’s
probably not a line that will play well outside the G.O.P.’s hard-core base;
Joe Biden and Kamala Harris don’t exactly come across as rabble-rousers who
will lead raging antifa hordes as they pillage America’s subdivisions.
Yet it is
true that a Biden-Harris administration would resume and probably expand on
Obama-era efforts to finally make the Fair Housing Act of 1968 effective,
seeking in particular to redress some of the injustices created by America’s
ugly history of using political power to create and reinforce racial
inequality.
For what
Trump calls the Suburban Lifestyle Dream didn’t just happen; it was created by
government policies. The great suburban housing boom that followed World War II
was made possible by huge federal subsidies, via programs — especially the
Federal Housing Administration and the Veterans Administration — that protected
lenders from risk by insuring qualifying home mortgages. By 1950 the F.H.A. and
the V.A. were insuring half of all mortgages nationwide.
But these
subsidies were only available to white people. In fact, they were only
available in all-white communities. As Richard Rothstein reports in his 2017
book “The Color of Law,” F.H.A. guidelines specifically cautioned against loans
in communities in which children might share classrooms with other children who
“represent a far lower level of society or an incompatible racial element.”
Indeed, the
F.H.A. went well beyond favoring all-white locations; it set out to create
them. After the war, when developers like William Levitt began building new
communities on what had been farmland, they cleared their plans in advance with
the F.H.A., thereby guaranteeing that buyers would have automatic access to
subsidized mortgages. And one of the things the F.H.A. required from such plans
was strict racial segregation, supposedly to insure property values.
Now, all of
this may sound like old history. But the raw racism of postwar housing policy
cast a long shadow over our society. For the 20 or so years that followed World
War II represented a unique opportunity for the middle class to solidify its
position — an opportunity that was denied to Black people.
You see,
the ’50s and ’60s were an era both of relatively good pay for ordinary workers
and of relatively cheap suburban housing. Wages were fairly high, in part
because America still had a strong union movement, and houses were affordable,
as long as you had access to those federal housing programs. So millions of
Americans got a chance to build some wealth.
Then the
window of opportunity closed. Wages, adjusted for inflation, stagnated. Housing
prices soared, in part because building restrictions in many suburbs banned
multifamily units. And Black families, who were shut out of a rising market at
a time when many other Americans were sharing in the fruits of a housing boom,
found the financial barriers to homeownership especially daunting.
So Trump’s
Suburban Lifestyle Dream is basically a walled village that the government
built for whites, whose gates were slammed shut when others tried to enter.
What is
Biden proposing to remedy at least some of these injustices? Reasonable,
significant, but hardly revolutionary stuff — things like expanding rental
vouchers while cracking down on redlining and exclusionary zoning. Trump may
claim that such policies would “destroy suburbia,” but that only makes sense if
you believe that the only alternative to bloody anarchy is a community that
looks exactly like Levittown in 1955.
And it’s
very important to understand that none of the scare talk about a war on the
suburbs has anything to do with the usual conservative rhetoric about “freedom”
and not having the government tell Americans what to do. Individual choices and
free markets aren’t what made America such a segregated, unequal society.
Discrimination was a statist policy, involving the exercise of political power
to deny people free choice.
And it
still goes on. What the Black Lives Matter movement has done is to reveal to
many white Americans that we’re still a long way from being a society in which
everyone is treated equally by the law, whatever the skin color. (Black
Americans already knew that very well.)
But the big
difference between the parties now is that Biden and Harris are trying to make
things better, trying to make us more like the country we’re supposed to be.
Trump and Mike Pence, by contrast, are basically trying to make open racism
great again.


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