sábado, 19 de setembro de 2020

US election battle intensifies after death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth... // 'Nothing is off the table': Supreme Court fight could reshape the Senate // The left channels its fury toward McConnell


CONGRESS

'Nothing is off the table': Supreme Court fight could reshape the Senate

 

Democrats are vowing to hit back at Republicans if they fill the vacant Supreme Court seat before January.

 


By MARIANNE LEVINE, ANDREW DESIDERIO and JOHN BRESNAHAN

09/19/2020 07:40 PM EDT

Updated: 09/19/2020 08:24 PM EDT

https://www.politico.com/news/2020/09/19/rbg-supreme-court-replacement-fight-senate-418438

 

The Senate is moving toward a historic showdown that may reverberate for years to come.

 

The looming battle over President Donald Trump’s upcoming Supreme Court nominee to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg is already turning into an ugly partisan brawl, with Senate Democrats warning they’ll retaliate if they win control of the chamber and White House on Nov. 3.

 

Even more than the 2018 crisis surrounding Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination to the high court, Democrats say the fallout from Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s effort to quickly push through a new justice — who could then be confirmed this year by the Senate — could lead to permanent consequences for the institution.

 

 

During a Democratic Caucus call Saturday afternoon, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told his colleagues “everything Americans value is at stake” and warned of possible payback if Republicans fill Ginsburg’s seat before January.

 

“Let me be clear: if Leader McConnell and Senate Republicans move forward with this, then nothing is off the table for next year,” Schumer declared. “Nothing is off the table.”

 

Schumer also urged the caucus to emphasize the effect filling the vacancy would have on health care, civil rights and other issues.

 

The once-chummy Senate has sunk ever deeper into bitter partisanship over the years, with each side blaming the other as the culprit. But every time senators think things could not get any worse — after Robert Bork’s failed nomination, or nuking the filibuster on nominations or the sexual assault allegations against Kavanaugh — they soon find the institution can deteriorate a whole lot more.

 

Some of Schumer’s colleagues and progressive outside groups want the New York Democrat to dismantle the legislative filibuster if Vice President Joe Biden, who has signaled an openness to the idea, becomes president and they win control of the Senate. Schumer hasn’t tipped his hand on the issue, but such a momentous change in Senate rules would end a 200-year-old tradition and make the change more like the House, an institution where the majority always wins.

 

Other Democrats suggested the party should move to pack the Supreme Court with additional justices in order to dilute the power of the conservative majority. Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.) tweeted on Friday that if McConnell moves to fill Ginsburg’s seat this year and Democrats win control of the Senate and the White House, “we must abolish the filibuster and expand the Supreme Court.”

 

There has even been talk in Democratic circles of having the House impeach any justice placed on the high court by Trump and McConnell's maneuvers, although it would still take a two-thirds vote by the Senate to remove that person from the Supreme Court. Similar sentiments were floated by Democrats during the Kavanaugh fight but went nowhere.

 

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) said he wasn’t yet convinced that McConnell will garner the requisite 50 votes to move forward with a nomination, but asserted Democrats should “play by the same rules” as Republicans have since taking over the chamber six years ago.

 

“Every single Senate Republican has a decision to make about what the future of the United States Senate is going to look like,” Murphy cautioned. “I just think they’re pushing the Senate into a very different place — a place where your word means nothing, where honor means nothing, and it’s all about the power politics of here and now.”

 

And all 10 Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee urged the panel’s chair, Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), not to consider any nominee for the vacancy until after the next president is inaugurated, citing Republicans’ decision to block Merrick Garland’s nomination to the Court eleven months before the 2016 election. But with Republicans in control of the chamber, there is little Democrats can do to stop a nominee from being confirmed without at least four GOP defectors.

 

“There cannot be one set of rules for a Republican president and one set for a Democratic president, and considering a nominee before the next inauguration would be wholly inappropriate,” the Democrats wrote.

 

Senate Republicans and the White House are ignoring the Democrats’ outrage, with GOP leaders expressing confidence in their strategy. McConnell said Friday night that the Senate would hold a vote on Trump’s nominee, though he didn’t specify when. Trump tweeted Saturday morning that Republicans should select a new justice “without delay,” making clear what he expects of GOP senators.

 

For his part, Graham said Saturday that he “will support President [Trump] in any effort to move forward regarding the recent vacancy created by the passing of Justice Ginsburg,” citing Democratic treatment of Kavanaugh and former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s (D-Nev.) decision to nix the 60-vote threshold for lower court nominees. (McConnell took it a step further and got rid of the 60-vote threshold for Supreme Court nominees in 2017.) Graham had said in 2018, during Kavanaugh’s contentious nomination, that he would “wait until the next election” if a vacancy opened on the high court in the last year of Trump’s presidency this far into the election season.

 

Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.), who has been leading a partisan investigation designed to politically damage Biden, insisted a confirmation vote before Election Day “shouldn’t have any impact whatsoever” on the institution.

 

“Could the Democrats become more partisan when it comes to judicial nominees?” Johnson asked. “Democrats will blow it way out of proportion, they will completely politicize this but we have a Republican president, there’s a Supreme court vacancy, there’s a Republican Senate. ... A confirmation vote is completely appropriate.”

 

Some Senate Republicans also argue that Democrats would act no differently.

 

“I don’t know how it can become more partisan than what it is,” said Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.), adding that “if the shoe was on the other foot,” Schumer would put a Democratic nominee on the floor. “I don’t think that it would be any different.”

 

The spotlight is already shifting to the handful of Republican senators who could decide whether Trump’s pick to replace Ginsburg. Sens. Susan Collins of Maine, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Mitt Romney of Utah will face enormous pressure over the nomination — as will some retiring senators that Trump won’t be able to touch soon. Collins on Saturday said the Senate should not vote on a nominee before the Nov. 3 election and almost immediately caught flak from Trump, who told reporters he “totally” disagrees with her.

 

The issue is already spilling over into key Senate races in North Carolina and Iowa, with Republicans vowing to support an immediate vote for whomever Trump nominates and their Democratic challengers demanding the Senate hold off until next year.

 

Sen. Thom Tillis (R-N.C.) vowed Saturday to support whoever Trump nominates without even knowing who that is, a blank check that party leaders will cash shortly.

 

“There is a clear choice on the future of the Supreme Court between the well-qualified and conservative jurist President Trump will nominate and I will support, and the liberal activist Joe Biden will nominate and Cal Cunningham will support, who will legislate radical, left-wing policies from the bench,” Tillis said in a statement, referring to his Democratic opponent.

 

Cunningham, in response, noted that early voting has already started in North Carolina, and voters “deserve that opportunity to have their voices heard, and then, it should be up to the next president and next Senate to fill the vacancy on our Court.”

 


CONGRESS

The left channels its fury toward McConnell

 

Progressives plan to harness "the wrath of millions of grieving, pissed-off, motivated volunteers" against efforts to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg with a high court nominee picked by Donald Trump.

 

By HOLLY OTTERBEIN

09/19/2020 09:07 PM EDT

https://www.politico.com/news/2020/09/19/the-left-channels-its-fury-toward-mcconnell-418542

 

Less than two hours after the news of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death — and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s vow to try to replace her with a nominee picked by President Donald Trump — the progressive movement was activated.

 

Liberal activists convened an emergency call at 9:30 p.m. Friday to chart out the battle ahead. According to people on the line, leaders of the anti-Trump group Indivisible, abortion rights organization NARAL, and court advocacy nonprofit Demand Justice called for a united front: Oppose any confirmation before Inauguration Day. They talked over plans to hold vigils for Ginsburg, and some people briefly discussed the idea of packing the court.

 

At the same time, Democrats were smashing donation records on the small-donor site ActBlue, and hundreds of mourners were spontaneously gathering on the steps of the Supreme Court.

 

It marked the beginning of a mobilization effort designed to harness the grassroots fury ignited by the GOP’s response to Ginsburg’s death — an opening flurry of activity that Democrats hope will fuel their takeover of the White House and Senate in November’s election.

 

“This illustrates forcefully that justice is on the ballot in each of those races for U.S. Senate,” said John Walsh, 2020 campaign manager for Sen. Ed Markey (D-Mass.). “We need to succeed, and fulfilling Justice Ginsburg’s wish will be a motivation for millions of people to vote and talk with their friends about the election.”

 

In the past few years, Democrats have grown increasingly concerned about the composition of the Supreme Court, an issue that’s long been the province of Republican voters. But the battle over the confirmation of Justice Brett Kavanaugh, along with McConnell’s refusal to hold a vote on President Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, in 2016, helped to change that.

 

A recent poll by the Pew Research Center found that 66 percent of Joe Biden supporters said Supreme Court appointments were very important to their vote in the presidential election, compared with 61 percent of Trump backers — a reversal from 2016, when Trump fans saw them as more critical.

 

Liberal groups are looking to use that energy to ramp up pressure against Republican senators to break with McConnell, particularly those who are in competitive races or who have said in the past that they would not confirm a nominee before Inauguration Day. Most see GOP Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Cory Gardner of Colorado and Mitt Romney of Utah as being the most promising after Sen. Susan Collins of Maine, who said Saturday that the appointment to the Supreme Court should be made by the president who is elected on Nov. 3.

 

Demand Justice is launching a $10 million ad campaign in an effort to stop Republicans from filling Ginsburg's seat before the presidential inauguration in January. Women’s March is planning big protests. Indivisible has mobilized its members to call Republicans’ offices in the Senate and demand that they “refuse to hold any hearings or confirm any new justices until the next term begins,” according to a prepared script.

 

The group also said it already has campaign infrastructure in place seeking to oust 12 Senate Republicans, which was originally created in response to the Senate’s impeachment acquittal of Trump, that it plans to utilize in the weeks ahead.

 

“If the Senate Republicans continue to follow McConnell on this,” said Indivisible press secretary Emily Phelps, “they're going to be the target of the wrath of millions of grieving, pissed-off, motivated volunteers from all 50 states.”

 

Democratic activists are particularly incensed by the fact that McConnell and other GOP senators argued in 2016 that, rather than vote on Garland, Americans should be able to weigh in on the next Supreme Court nominee in the upcoming presidential election. In key battleground states, local left-wing organizations are also looking to push Republicans, such as Pennsylvania Sen. Pat Toomey, to hold off on confirming a new justice by turning their own words on them.

 

“Our plans around mobilization are still in formation, but we do intend to remind Sen. Toomey that he blocked the confirmation of Merrick Garland on the grounds that in an election year, ‘it makes sense to give the American people a more direct say in this critical decision,’” said Hannah Laurison, executive director of the progressive group Pennsylvania Stands Up.

 

But Democrats face a formidable challenge in trying to pick off Republicans, even those in tight races. Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.), who is tied with Democratic opponent Jaime Harrison according to a recent poll, has already signaled that he supports Trump nominating a justice, despite the fact that in 2016 he said the Senate shouldn’t fill vacancies in a presidential election year.

 

The pressure campaigns aren’t limited to Republicans. In a year in which progressives ousted a handful of incumbent House Democrats, a former aide to Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) called for a Democrat to immediately announce that they will launch a 2022 primary challenge against Minority Leader Chuck Schumer. The goal: Make him grind the Senate to a halt in hopes of somehow staving off a confirmation.

 

“Schumer needs to face maximum pressure every single day to use all possible power that his caucus has — and it has power — to stop a Trump appointment,” wrote David Sirota, Sanders’ speechwriter for his 2020 presidential campaign, and progressive activist Andrew Perez in a newsletter. “Not just pressure as in phone calls and protests — pressure as in you-will-be-voted-out-of-office pressure.”

 

Along with contacting Republicans, Indivisible members are also calling Senate Democrats’ offices to urge them to slow down the business of the Senate in hopes of blocking a future nominee.

 

Demand Progress, a left-wing group, said 50,000 people have sent emails to Democratic and Republican senators around the country asking them to “block every motion, force every bill to be read in full, and use a wide range of parliamentary tactics to shut down the Senate between now and January, when new Senators and the president are inaugurated.”

 

Democrats are largely powerless to stop the nomination if Republicans have 50 votes: They can try to put on the brakes, but judicial confirmations run on a separate calendar and McConnell controls the floor. Progressive activists and former Senate aides insist they have leverage to drag it out, though.

 

“All options have to be on the table,” said Sen. Brian Schatz (D-Hawaii), referring to efforts to block the confirmation. But asked for details, he declined to elaborate.

 

In the wake of Ginsburg’s death, left-wing groups are also working to boost support for the campaign to pack the Supreme Court by expanding the number of justices. Once a fringe idea, the cause picked up steam in the Democratic presidential primary when several candidates said they were open to it. Biden, who has opposed the proposal, is likely to face increased pressure from liberals to change course.

 

Already, some Democrats are expressing support for adding seats to the court.

 

Rep. Jerry Nadler, chair of the House Judiciary Committee, tweeted that if Republicans “were to force through a nominee during the lame duck session — before a new Senate and President can take office — then the incoming Senate should immediately move to expand the Supreme Court.”

 

Meanwhile, in a call with Senate Democrats Saturday, Schumer said, “nothing is off the table for next year” if Republicans move forward with their plan.

 

"Court expansion is on the map in a way that it’s never been before,” said Aaron Belkin, director of Take Back the Court, a group leading the charge for court-packing. “Part of that is because [McConnell] stole the court in 2016, and the fact he’s now pledging to violate the ‘rule’ he used to steal the court in the first place is, of course, electrifying the opposition and underscoring the need to rebalance the court so this doesn’t happen again.”

 

Given the obstacles they face in trying to stop McConnell, however, progressives had not effectively prepared for this moment, said a person involved with one liberal group opposing the confirmation.

 

“There’s no clear strategy,” the individual said. “It’s another one of these moments where if we were the other side, we would have had much more of a plan in place.”

 

But many Democrats said the upcoming Supreme Court battle is making their voters even more motivated than they were before, which could pay dividends in November.

 

“Enthusiasm is through the roof,” Schatz said. “Nothing motivates voters like righteous anger.”

 

Laura Barrón-López contributed to this report.


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