Opinion
Clean Air Was Once an Achievable Political Goal
The wildfires will force us to recognize the steep
costs of incompetent, neglectful, uncaring government.
The wildfires and poisonous air in the American West
are best seen as a product of negligence at all levels of society.
By Farhad
Manjoo
Opinion
Columnist
Sept. 16,
2020, 5:00 a.m. ET
Among the
few remaining advantages that Americans can claim over other countries is the
relative cleanliness of our air. Air pollution is a leading risk factor for
early death; it is linked to an estimated four million premature fatalities
around the world annually. But over the last 50 years, since Congress passed
environmental legislation in 1970, air quality in the United States has
steadily improved. Today, America’s air is significantly cleaner than in much
of the rest of the world, including in many of our wealthy, industrialized
peers.
Well, not
literally today, considering I needed an N95 mask to walk to the mailbox this
morning. Over the last few years, for weeks and sometimes months in late summer
and fall, my home state, California, and other parts of the American West erupt
in hellish blaze, and plumes of smoke turn the heavens visibly toxic.
In some of
the country’s most populous cities in the last few weeks, the concentration of
dangerous particulates in the air shot up to levels worse than the averages in
the most polluted cities in China, India and Pakistan. Ash generated by some of
the largest wildfires in California’s and Oregon’s history fell across the
region like snow. The sky burned Martian orange — a hue so alien that
smartphones struggled to faithfully photograph it.
I have been
searching for some glint of optimism during an otherwise bleak time. While
choking through a walk this past weekend (I had to leave the house), I came up
with this: Maybe such disasters will finally force us to recognize the steep
costs of incompetent, neglectful, uncaring government.
Like
America’s failed response to the coronavirus, the wildfires and poisonous air
are best seen as a product of negligence at all levels of society, from
individuals to cities and states to a federal government that, in recent
decades, exited the business of getting anything done. These were natural
disasters exacerbated by human weaknesses: a reluctance to plan, a preference
for denial over prevention, for consumption and convenience over caution, and
for quick fixes over lasting change.
Now, the
singed chickens are coming home to roost. Militarily and economically, the
United States remains an indomitable superpower. But in just about every other
way, we have been exposed as a fragile nation, whose overlapping vulnerabilities
can be attributed to a political system that has ceased caring about the most
basic of citizens’ needs — even that of fresh air.
Donald
Trump did not cause these fires; no lawmaker did. But as I watched the
president’s brief photo op this week — he popped into town near Sacramento on
Monday for about two hours, a layover between campaign events in Nevada and
Arizona — it struck me that he is the embodiment of a political and cultural
rot that will remain long after he’s left the scene.
In Sacramento,
all of Trump’s familiar tics were on display. There was magical thinking:
“It’ll start getting cooler, you just watch,” he told a state official who
implored him to recognize that climate change is contributing to worsening
wildfire seasons. There was the absence of empathy, with just a perfunctory
mention of the people who’ve lost homes and businesses. And there was
ego-driven denial. When the official pointed out that scientific consensus
disagreed with Trump, the president all but pouted and stuck his fingers in his
ears. “I don’t think science knows, actually,” he said.
Science
does know, actually. Trump has argued that California’s fires could be
addressed by better forest management. “You gotta clean your floors, you gotta
clean your forests,” he said last month. He’s not totally wrong. Experts do say
that improved management would mitigate fires (though they prescribe managed
burns rather than whatever “cleaning floors” might mean).
But that is
far from the whole story. A barrage of scientific evidence shows that climate
change has intensified droughts and hotter, drier weather across the Western
United States, which has made brush, trees and other organic matter more
combustible. According to one study, between 1984 and 2015, climate change
contributed to the near-doubling of the geographical area vulnerable to
wildfires in the West. To put it in a way that might register with the
president: We now have twice as much floor to clean.
If you live
in the West, the connection between climate change and fire is unavoidable. A
month ago, we suffered a record-breaking heat wave that baked the earth into
kindling. Then the match was struck. The Bay Area woke up to a sky flashing
blue with dry lightning — lightning unaccompanied by rain. Nearly 9,000 strikes
hit the ground, sparking fires across the region.
Can the
climate-denying right really continue to ignore this basic cause-and-effect?
Trump’s brand of denial is hardly unique. In some ways, it is embedded in our
political system. Trump has ignored climate change because it’s been
politically easy to do so. The effects of climate change are imprecise, and in
the case of the wildfires, they’re almost not his problem, as the Electoral
College allows him to write off the West Coast entirely. (Trump often tweets as
if “blue states” are not even part of the country.)
The
political challenges will remain even if Joe Biden wins the White House and
Democrats gain control of Congress. Environmental legislation is difficult: It
imposes identifiable short-term costs and inconveniences on people and
businesses in return for long-term benefits for society as a whole.
It may seem
that passing rules to protect the earth would require unusual political
courage. But we have tackled these problems before. The late 1960s and early
1970s were no model of political comity in the United States; that era, like
ours, was a time of intense polarization, with a citizenry restive for change.
But
according to a fascinating history of the Clean Air Act by Brigham Daniels,
Andrew P. Follett and Joshua Davis that was published recently in the Hastings
Law Journal, Richard Nixon and Democrats in Congress passed the law precisely
because Americans had become so cynical about their government. Lawmakers saw
fixing the environment as a difficult goal they could nevertheless achieve:
“Vietnam, civil rights, and Soviet tension may all have been out of reach, but
cleaning the air seemed to be attainable, and gains could be measured and
seen,” the authors write.
The same
logic holds today. Dirty air and fire surround us, but we still have the
collective capacity to mitigate them. Breathing is important. Let’s get
to it.
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