Push for British sovereignty risks worst possible
Brexit outcome
Jacob Funk
Kirkegaard (PIIE)
September
14, 2020 10:45 AM
British
Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s zeal over asserting British sovereignty in
Brexit negotiations has not only torpedoed the talks over Britain’s withdrawal
from the European Union. It has also increased the likelihood of the worst
possible long-term relationship with the EU and Ireland while almost certainly
destroying prospects for a trade agreement with the United States. And it has
raised the possibility of the most sweeping and disruptive “no deal” Brexit by
year’s end, with no agreement on anything at all.
Britain’s
insistence on maintaining its prerogatives over EU state aid, fishing rights,
and the Northern Ireland border led to Johnson’s introducing the UK internal
market bill in the UK Parliament, which would give the UK government the right
to unilaterally determine the rules on trade flows between Northern Ireland and
the rest of the UK.
The
Northern Ireland border was always the most fraught issue because of its
potential to undermine the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, which guarantees an open
Irish border. It is a totemic matter of principle for the EU, which had
insisted that the border issue be resolved ahead of any trade negotiations. And
through the Northern Ireland Protocol to the Withdrawal Agreement, the EU
insisted that the open border be guaranteed on an international treaty level,
ensuring its survival even if no future trading arrangement is agreed between
the EU and UK.
By
threatening to abrogate UK commitments made less than a year ago, Johnson
struck at perhaps the most politically sensitive issue for the EU in the entire
Brexit process. Brussels’ forceful response was all but guaranteed. If Britain
proceeds with unilaterally changing trade between Northern Ireland and the rest
of the UK, the EU would be compelled to set up physical barriers to control the
border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Such a step would
directly threaten local peace and stability.
The EU has
demanded that the UK withdraw Johnson’s bill by the end of September 2020 or
risk a legal procedure and the collapse of trade negotiations. The implications
go beyond Johnson’s preference for a “no deal” Brexit.
The EU will
certainly not back down from the issue. It will not resume Brexit negotiations until the border
issue is resolved in a way that avoids raising physical barriers. The principle
of Pacta Sunt Servenda (“agreements must be kept”) in international law is
axiomatic for the EU, ruling out any potential “mini deals” that do not address
this larger issue first. The risk of potentially rekindling violence in
Northern Ireland is a deal-breaker for the EU, making the hardest possible
version of “no deal” Brexit more likely on January 1, 2021.
As for the
already slim prospects for a US-UK free trade agreement, US House Speaker Nancy
Pelosi has made very clear that the Good
Friday accord must not be jeopardized. That is why Johnson’s dash for British
sovereignty has poisoned economic and political relations with the UK’s two
largest international trading partners and traditional political allies in
Europe and the United States.
The new
bill focusing on granting London full sovereign rights to do as it pleases on
any UK internal trade issue further grants the UK government the right to spend
freely on a host of infrastructure and social issues, including those formally
devolved to regional governments in Scotland and Wales. Edinburgh and Cardiff
are not likely to look kindly on what they view as a centralizing power grab by
Johnson.
Johnson may
even have a fight on his hands within his own party, despite its large
parliamentary majority, to get his new legislation through the House of
Commons. Many Conservative members of parliament, including former prime
minister Theresa May, instinctively oppose breaching UK international law
commitments.
Boris
Johnson will get Brexit done, though—increasingly likely—in the most damaging
political and economic form.
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